The overlap between the ebola and covid networks run by Gates and Fauci as dual use bioweapons, biodefense research

 The scientists and institutions, grans involved in the  Ebola gain-of-function overlap with the people, research networks and arguments that became central to the covid-origin controversy and at the centre of those two networks are Gates and Fauci.

The strongest version of the overlap

1. Gates funded parts of the Ebola network.

Gates funding went to Corgenix for the ReEBOV Ebola diagnostic and to the Broad Institute for Ebola genomic sequencing. The Foundation's grant database is the primary place to establish the recipients and stated purposes.

So:

Gates → Corgenix/Broad → Ebola research

2. Those projects intersected with the Garry/KGH/VHFC network

The Ebola work at Kenema wasn't an isolated diagnostic project. KGH had an established viral-hemorrhagic-fever research program, and Garry's group worked with KGH and the wider VHFC. Garry subsequently described having worked with KGH for nearly two decades.

So you have:

Gates-funded Ebola projects ↔ Garry/VHFC ↔ KGH. The same KGH research infrastructure and cohorts subsequently entered coronavirus research

This is probably the most interesting direct overlap.

The pre-COVID Sierra Leone study explicitly says that researchers used blood samples collected before the COVID pandemic from Lassa fever and Ebola survivors and their contacts. It was conducted through the KGH/VHFC research setting.

And the author list includes Robert Garry and Kristian Andersen. Andersen's publication record identifies the study as a 2021 paper on cross-reactive SARS-CoV-2/MERS-CoV antibodies in pre-COVID Sierra Leone blood samples.

There is an actual biological/research continuity:

Ebola/Lassa survivor cohorts → stored pre-pandemic specimens → SARS-CoV-2 serological research.

Garry and Andersen then move directly into the COVID-origin debate

Garry's congressional testimony provides a particularly clear bridge. He says that after the first SARS-CoV-2 sequence was released, he participated with other scientists in the molecular/phylogenetic analysis that became The Proximal Origin of SARS-CoV-2. He explicitly places that work in the context of his nearly 20 years of work with KGH.

The chain is approximately:

Gates-funded Ebola research

↓

KGH / VHFC

↓

Garry + Andersen + associated institutions

↓

Ebola/Lassa survivor cohorts and biological samples

↓

pre-COVID SARS-CoV-2 research in Sierra Leone

↓

Garry + Andersen

↓

Proximal Origin

A. Funding overlap — established

Gates funded significant Ebola research involving institutions and researchers in this network.

B. Scientific/personnel/sample overlap — established

KGH/VHFC's Ebola/Lassa infrastructure, cohorts and researchers subsequently participated in coronavirus research.

C Gates funded significant covid research through EcoHealth.

The same institutional and scientific ecosystem that received Gates support during the Ebola outbreak subsequently used Ebola/Lassa survivor material and the established KGH/VHFC research infrastructure for pre-pandemic coronavirus research, while key researchers from that ecosystem—particularly Garry and Andersen—went on to participate in the SARS-CoV-2 origin analysis that produced Proximal Origin.

The Covid track

Coronavirus research—particularly research on SARS, MERS, and bat coronaviruses—was already active in 2014.

What was happening in 2014?

Fauci s pardon extends back to 2014.

The original NIH award was to EcoHealth Alliance, which subcontracted part of the work to WIV. GAO later identified a WIV NIH subaward of about $598,000 over the relevant five-year period.

There was also USAID's PREDICT program, which had supported coronavirus surveillance involving WIV/EcoHealth before and during this period.

What was actually being experimented on?

This is where the story becomes important.

The researchers were looking for SARS-like coronaviruses in bats, particularly viruses related to the virus that caused the 2003 SARS outbreak.

A major earlier discovery was published in 2013 by Shi Zhengli, Xing-Yi Ge, Peter Daszak and colleagues: they identified a bat coronavirus called WIV1 that could use the human SARS coronavirus receptor ACE2.

That work established that some naturally occurring bat coronaviruses possessed characteristics that potentially allowed them to infect human cells.

The 2014 program expanded this kind of investigation.

2015 — the particularly controversial experiment

This is probably the experiment you've heard about.

In 2015, a team involving:

Ralph Baric — University of North Carolina

Vineet Menachery and other UNC researchers

Zhengli Shi

Xing-Yi Ge — WIV

So it is accurate to say that U.S. federal money supported research involving WIV, but it is misleading to describe it as NIH directly giving a multi-million-dollar grant to the Wuhan laboratory.

published a paper in Nature Medicine called:

“A SARS-like cluster of circulating bat coronaviruses shows potential for human emergence.”

They took the spike protein from a bat coronavirus called SHC014 and put it onto a mouse-adapted SARS coronavirus backbone.

That created a chimeric virus.

They then tested it for characteristics including:

ability to use human ACE2;

replication in human airway cells;

replication in mice; and

susceptibility to existing SARS antibodies/vaccine approaches.

They also generated an infectious version of SHC014 itself using reverse genetics.

This was a genuine gain-of-function-type experiment, although terminology matters: scientists and policymakers have disagreed about exactly how this work should be classified under different definitions of “gain of function.”

The paper itself says the experiments involving the full-length and chimeric SHC014 viruses were initiated before the U.S. October 2014 funding pause and were subsequently reviewed and approved for continuation.

.

Funding

The 2015 paper acknowledges:

NIH/NIAID

NIH/National Institute on Aging

USAID PREDICT through EcoHealth Alliance

Chinese National Natural Science Foundation

among its sources of support.

Why October 2014 matters

Claim Evidence

Coronavirus research existed at WIV before COVID Yes

WIV/EcoHealth studied bat SARS-related coronaviruses Yes

U.S. government money supported some of this research Yes

NIH money reached WIV indirectly through EcoHealth Yes

Researchers performed experiments altering SARS-related coronavirus genomes Yes

A 2015 experiment created a SARS-like chimeric virus Yes

Some experiments tested infection of human airway cells and mice Yes

There is an overlap between the Kenema, Ebola and the Wuhan coronavirus network

Kenema/VHFC

NIH/NIAID → Tulane/VHFC → KGH

Gates → various research/response projects

DTRA → USAMRIID/Metabiota-related work

CDC → outbreak diagnostics

Broad/Harvard/Scripps/UTMB → scientific collaboration

Wuhan/EcoHealth

NIH/NIAID → EcoHealth Alliance → WIV

USAID/PREDICT → EcoHealth and collaborators

Chinese government funding → Chinese research institutions

WIV ↔ UNC/Baric and other international collaborators

Robert Garry and Kristian Anderson and Ian Lipkin were 3 of the five authors The Proximal Origin of SARS-CoV-2  who were also involved in the Kenema ebola genomic research.

The Gates Foundation funds research in several areas that are legitimately considered dual-use from a biosecurity perspective, particularly pathogen genomics, sequencing, diagnostics, epidemiology, and One Health surveillance.

Examples from its current public grant database:

• Pathogen genomic sequencing: In March 2026, the Foundation committed $25,000 for an economic study concerning procurement and delivery of pathogen genomic sequencing across African public-health programs.
• Genomic analysis: In June 2026, it committed $749,667 to the Broad Institute to develop pathogen-genomic data-analysis pipelines for malaria and other pathogens of public-health importance in Africa.
• One Health / animal-human-environment surveillance: In 2026, it committed $508,992 to Temasek Life Sciences Laboratory for a network integrating human, animal, and environmental data to predict, detect, and mitigate emerging infectious-disease threats in Asia-Pacific.
• Diagnostics: It has funded multiple low-cost molecular and point-of-care diagnostic projects, including a $846,097 grant to DCN Diagnostics and $2.72 million to Rapidemic for molecular diagnosis of infectious diseases.
• Sequencing for surveillance: It also funded the University of Birmingham to develop sequencing directly from cholera stool/wastewater samples to study transmission.
• Animal/infectious-disease surveillance: The Foundation gave the International Livestock Research Institute $1.45 million in 2026 to use advanced analytical tools for early detection and monitoring of infectious diseases.

The Foundation itself explicitly describes genomic sequencing, wastewater/environmental surveillance, and data modeling as tools for improving outbreak detection and public-health decision-making. 

The same capabilities can have different applications:

Capability	Public-health purpose	Why it can be dual-use
Pathogen sequencing	Track outbreaks and variants	Generates detailed pathogen genetic information
Genomic analysis	Determine transmission/evolution	Some information can have security implications
Animal-reservoir surveillance	Identify spillover risks	Maps pathogens and their natural hosts
Diagnostics	Detect infections quickly	Improves ability to recognize particular biological agents
Environmental surveillance	Detect pathogens before clinical outbreaks	Provides information about pathogen presence/distribution

The Gates Foundation funding  of dual use ebola  and coivid research

Examples from its current public grant database:

• Pathogen genomic sequencing: In March 2026, the Foundation committed $25,000 for an economic study concerning procurement and delivery of pathogen genomic sequencing across African public-health programs.
• Genomic analysis: In June 2026, it committed $749,667 to the Broad Institute to develop pathogen-genomic data-analysis pipelines for malaria and other pathogens of public-health importance in Africa.
• One Health / animal-human-environment surveillance: In 2026, it committed $508,992 to Temasek Life Sciences Laboratory for a network integrating human, animal, and environmental data to predict, detect, and mitigate emerging infectious-disease threats in Asia-Pacific.
• Diagnostics: It has funded multiple low-cost molecular and point-of-care diagnostic projects, including a $846,097 grant to DCN Diagnostics and $2.72 million to Rapidemic for molecular diagnosis of infectious diseases.
• Sequencing for surveillance: It also funded the University of Birmingham to develop sequencing directly from cholera stool/wastewater samples to study transmission.
• Animal/infectious-disease surveillance: The Foundation gave the International Livestock Research Institute $1.45 million in 2026 to use advanced analytical tools for early detection and monitoring of infectious diseases.

The Foundation itself explicitly describes genomic sequencing, wastewater/environmental surveillance, and data modeling as tools for improving outbreak detection and public-health decision-making.

Where the "dual-use" issue comes in

The same capabilities can have different applications:

Capability	Public-health purpose	Why it can be dual-use
Pathogen sequencing	Track outbreaks and variants	Generates detailed pathogen genetic information
Genomic analysis	Determine transmission/evolution	Some information can have security implications
Animal-reservoir surveillance	Identify spillover risks	Maps pathogens and their natural hosts
Diagnostics	Detect infections quickly	Improves ability to recognize particular biological agents
Environmental surveillance	Detect pathogens before clinical outbreaks	Provides information about pathogen presence/distribution

The Gates Foundation says its committed-grants database covers grants since 1994 and is dynamically updated; it also makes its funded research publicly accessible.

1. Pathogen genomic sequencing and analysis

One clear category is funding for pathogen genomic sequencing and genomic-data analysis.

The Foundation has funded work involving sequencing and analysis of pathogen genomes for public-health surveillance. It also funds infrastructure intended to make genomic information useful to public-health programs.

Why this is dual-use:
Genomic sequencing is fundamentally a surveillance technology. It can establish which pathogen or lineage is present, reveal relationships between cases, and identify evolutionary changes. Those capabilities are beneficial for outbreak response but also create information that has potential security sensitivity.

The dual-use concern therefore comes primarily from the information and analytical capability, rather than from sequencing itself. There is nothing inherently military about sequencing a pathogen.

2. One Health / human-animal-environment surveillance

A particularly relevant category is the Foundation's support for One Health surveillance, where information from humans, animals, and the environment is combined.

For example, the Foundation's grants database includes funding for the World Organisation for Animal Health (WOAH). A September 2025 grant was $1.88 million for work serving Africa and Asia, while earlier grants supported WOAH's animal-health activities globally and in Africa.

Why this is dual-use:
Animal surveillance can identify:

• pathogens circulating in animal populations;
• geographic areas where spillover may occur;
• relationships between animal and human infections;
• changes in disease prevalence over time.

That information is extremely valuable for preventing zoonotic outbreaks. From a biosecurity perspective, however, systematic knowledge of which pathogens occur where, in which hosts, and under what ecological conditions can also be regarded as sensitive biological intelligence.

3. Emerging-disease surveillance

The broader Gates portfolio supports technologies intended to detect emerging infectious diseases earlier—including genomic surveillance, diagnostics, epidemiological modeling, and environmental surveillance.

The Foundation describes its grantmaking as focused on global health and explicitly maintains a public database of funded projects.

Why this is dual-use:
An effective emerging-disease surveillance system effectively creates a map of:

pathogen → host → location → transmission → genetic characteristics → detection method

That's exactly the kind of information that public-health authorities need to recognize an emerging outbreak quickly. But because the same information describes biological threats in considerable detail, it has an obvious biosecurity intelligence dimension.

4. Environmental surveillance

The Foundation has also supported approaches that detect pathogens in environmental samples—for example, sequencing approaches applied to wastewater or other samples.

Why this is dual-use:
Environmental surveillance can detect circulation of a pathogen without testing every individual. From a public-health standpoint, that's extremely useful because it can provide an early warning.

The security-sensitive aspect is that it potentially allows systematic monitoring of where a biological agent is circulating and how its genetic characteristics change.

The important distinction

Finding	What it establishes
Gates funds sequencing	Yes
Gates funds animal/One Health surveillance	Yes
These capabilities have recognized dual-use potential	Yes
Gates is funding research that could have biosecurity implications	Yes

Ebola

1. Ebola genomic sequencing — Broad Institute, 2015

The Foundation gave the Broad Institute $850,055 to obtain and make current Ebola-virus genetic sequences available, explicitly to support development/deployment of diagnostics, therapeutics, and vaccines during the West African epidemic.

Dual-use relevance:
Sequencing provides knowledge about the genetic composition and evolution of a pathogen and can establish relationships among infections. That's extremely valuable for outbreak control. The same capability is therefore dual-use in principle: pathogen genomic information can have both defensive/public-health and security significance.

2. Ebola diagnostics and response

In 2014 the Foundation committed $50 million to Ebola response, including work on diagnostics, vaccines, therapies, emergency operations, and health-system capacity.

And in 2026, during the Bundibugyo Ebola outbreak in DRC/Uganda, it announced another $15 million, including funding for cross-border surveillance and diagnostics.

Dual-use relevance:
Diagnostic capability gives an organization the ability to detect a particular pathogen rapidly. Surveillance similarly provides information about where transmission is occurring. Those capabilities are obviously useful for defense against biological threats, but they don't constitute biological-weapons development.

---

COVID-19

COVID provides an even stronger example because the Foundation explicitly helped build genomic-surveillance capacity.

3. COVID genomic surveillance

The Foundation says that during COVID it helped build genomic sequencing capacity in lower-income countries and supported countries in detecting variants. It now describes genomic sequencing as a tool for identifying strains, tracking transmission, detecting variants, and informing public-health responses.

It also funded a specific $1.50 million Wits Health Consortium project to conduct genomic surveillance and variant detection of COVID-19 from human and animal sources in South Africa.

This combines:

human surveillance + animal sources + sequencing + variant detection.

Dual-use relevance:
That combination creates substantial epidemiological knowledge about a pathogen's distribution, genetic variation, and relationship between animal and human infections.

4. COVID diagnostics

The Foundation funded the expansion of COVID diagnostic capacity across Africa, including PCR testing and rapid antigen testing.

One example is an $8.78 million Wits Health Consortium grant to implement and validate a high-throughput PCR platform for COVID testing and surveillance, as well as other pathogens.

Another was $4.9 million to Global Access Health for high-volume manufacturing processes and future COVID diagnostic platforms intended to prepare for future pandemics.

Dual-use relevance:
The technology becomes broader than COVID itself when the platform is designed for multiple pathogens. A diagnostic platform capable of detecting numerous infectious agents is inherently relevant to biological-threat detection.

Again, that is primarily a defensive capability but when the tests are faulty it can spread a disases

Capability	Ebola	COVID-19	Dual-use concern
Genomic sequencing	Yes	Yes	Pathogen genetic information
Genomic surveillance	Yes	Yes	Tracking evolution/transmission
Animal-source surveillance	Less prominent in these grants	Yes	Human–animal pathogen interface
Diagnostics	Yes	Extensive	Detection capability
Epidemiological surveillance	Yes	Extensive	Mapping transmission
Vaccine/therapeutic R&D	Yes	Yes	Countermeasure development

Gates next? Fauci s lawyers set up a defense fund as State AGs, Rand Paul, Ron Johnson have the opportunity to put the Epstein oligarchs in prison for covid, not for their paedophilia

GATES CAUGHT IN D 15 218 IS THE MASTERMIND AND GLOBAL MENACE

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/yfreupvzbwqrkc2p05quv/GatesCrimesInTheNetherlandsAndD15218.pdf?rlkey=5w6htfz5320qv7pxdkhlmi7kt&st=zpewgcji&dl=0

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/frci8gkqajfy8jfwj6cs9/2017-Grk-prosecutor-probes-convict-Kushner-of-covid-treason-Iran.pdf?rlkey=tz6jztrrgfjorigb8p1vzwfj1&st=60q3gz5g&dl=0

D 15 218, E 17 449 CAN BE USED TO CONVICT GATES, BUFFETT, SOROS, TRUMP, KUSHNER, ROTHSCHILD FOR THEIR ROLE IN THE COVID RACKET, EXPANDED TO TAKE IN BOURLA, BIDEN, AND THOUSANDS OF CO CONSPIATORS INCLUDING FAUCI, WALENSKY, MARKS, DASZAK

GET 100S OF BILLIONS IN FINES

REMOVE THE EPSTEIN OLIGARCHS FROM PUBLIC LIFE WITH SWIFT LEGAL ACTION TO MAKE AMERICA SAFE AGAIN

From media

Summary

Fund aims to cover defense against federal and state investigations, Fauci's lawyers say

Fauci receives no payments from fund, which is managed by an independent trustee and adviser, lawyers say

Rand Paul seeks Justice Department prosecution, while three states have launched their own probes

WASHINGTON, Aug 21 (Reuters) - Lawyers for Anthony Fauci have launched a legal defense fund, opens new tab for the former top U.S. infectious disease ​expert, saying that the need to respond to a growing number of state and federal investigations related to his handling of the COVID-19 pandemic will require ‌substantial resources.

https://www.reuters.com/world/faucis-lawyers-set-up-legal-defense-fund-us-probes-multiply-2026-08-21/

HOW IT ALL FITS TOGETHER

Publicly, Gates s a billionaire philanthropist whose foundation supports epidemic preparedness. Behind closed doors, however, he has constructed a clandestine programme to develop bioweapons, hidden inside legitimate biodefense and global-health research.

The real-world research infrastructure is  camouflage:

Ebola genomic surveillance in Kenema provides access to field epidemiology, sequencing and outbreak data.

Lassa research expands the network into reservoir surveillance and predictive modeling.

Government biodefense agencies supply grants and classified expertise.

DARPA's PREEMPT program becomes  a particularly valuable source of technology for manipulating what happens before a pathogen reaches humans.

Gates foundation finances researchers and institutions without requiring them to know the ultimate purpose of their work.

A crony as NIAID director, Dr. Fauci, ensures that grants, personnel and information move between otherwise separate compartments.

The crucial point is that the programme has two layers.

The visible layer performs legitimate surveillance, diagnostics and pandemic preparedness. The hidden layer quietly identifies which viral characteristics would make an outbreak unusually difficult to contain.

Gates does not tell most scientists about the second layer. Instead, he uses compartmentalization: one laboratory studies viral evolution, another reservoir ecology, another diagnostics, another computational modeling. Only a handful of people understand that the pieces belong to the same programme.

 Kenema becomes the first major field node. The Ebola epidemic generated enormous quantities of genomic and epidemiological information. Gates s people secretly preserve datasets that are officially described as outbreak-surveillance resources.

Years later, when covid appears, investigators notice something disturbing: several scientists and institutions involved in the earliest genomic analyses had previously worked on Ebola, Lassa, or emerging-pathogen surveillance.

Robert Garry, Kristian Anderson...

That coincidence becomes the central mystery.

Was it simply the normal consequence of having a small international community of emerging-virus specialists?

Or had Gates deliberately cultivated that community for years?

Had he cultivated politicians for years?

Cut deals with Kushner, Trump, captured in E 17 449 in 2017, about who would get what from the goverment contracts for masks, vaccines? What stocks were best to buy for insider trading? How to make billions from the fake pandemic?

Fauci and Morens know about the true purpose of the research  and programme.

They know the funding network

Foundation → universities → NIH → biodefense agencies → field sites

is actually a cover architecture for a depopulation programme.

They know it is about money, power, political control.

The same  people, laboratories and field relationships.

Kenema → Ebola → genomic surveillance → Lassa → PREEMPT → coronavirus research → COVID

1. ordinary scientific continuity,

2. an exploited biodefense network,

3. or the infrastructure for biowarfare

Every individual project was legitimate. Every grant was real. Every scientist did exactly what their paper said they did. The conspiracy exists only in the connections between them.

Fauci, Morens, Walensky, Marks. 

They knew the true purpose of covid and the vaccines. They knew what to hide and what to emphasize. They knew to communicate using personal emails to avoid FOIA

They knew what rules and laws to break to ignore the mounting evidence of covid vaccine harms. They knew what excuses to make and what pretexts to deliver as the death toll mounted. They knew what studies to fund to deny the covid vaccines were causing deaths.

They knew because they worked for the same Enterprise run ultimately by Gates and the Epstein oligarchs.

The Gates Foundation staff know the true purpose of the Foundation is and the grants to WHO.

They know that concealment is vital.

They know that silencing a reporter with a large audience in the USA is vital for their plans.

They know Gates and the Foundation were caught with personal knowledge in a TBT, Punditfact piece in August 2014.

The foundation is effectively the philanthropic vehicle through which Gates operates, and a spokesperson for that foundation responded publicly to my allegations about Kenema, Ebola and Gates proving an institutional connection and allowing for the assets to be siezed.

The capture of Gates and his Foundation in D 15 218 is so catastrophic for the enterprise that when vital evidence implicating the mastermind himself  is sent to US A Gs on May 2nd of Gates role in crimes against a reporter to stop the American public from knowing, the Gates Foundation attends s DARPA briefing the next day, 3rd May, about PREEMPT and Lassa.

How is the conspiracy proven?

How is an Enterprise (RICO) proven?

How is a decades long plan to deceive consumers proven (FDTPA)?

The Greek prosecutor probes are the vital spine.

The crimes were committed in Greece for more than a decade. But they were committed to protect a RICO enterprise and a false and deceptive marketing in the USA.

The reporter was targetted because Americans were listening to her.

FLORIDA IS THE BEST STATE TO PROSECUTE GATES, KUSHNER, TRUMP

ALL THE OTHER STATES CAN GET BEHIND FLORIDA TO REMOVE THE EPSTEIN UNIPARTY

Gates, during the relevant period:

 1. maintained a residence in the State of Florida, in Wellington, Palm Beach County,

 2. may have been physically present at that residence when my article was published; 

 3. knew that I  was publicly reporting allegations concerning him running a secret ebola gain of function programme

 5. thereafter caused or participated in the Gates Foundation's public response to my reporting; 

 6. caused or participated in subsequent conduct directed against me after UK MPs acknowledged my concerns over the Gates in February 2015; 

 7. knew that I had transmitted that evidence to AGS; and 

 8. participated in conduct allegedly intended to stop Florida AGs from understanding his crimes

THE FLORIDA NEWSPAPER

The indictment would specifically allege:

On or about August 2014, while Gates may have been  physically present at his Florida residence, a Florida newspaper published an article containing a distinctive paragraph previously published by me concerning Gates funding of a network of scientists which serve as a dual purpose ebola bioweapons programme. .

Gates obtained, read, or caused persons acting on his behalf to contact or to respnd the publication while Gates may or not  physically present in Florida.

Shortly thereafter, the Gates Foundation issued its public response.

That response reproduced substantially the same distinctive passage from my reporting.

The sequence established is:

I publish

→ Florida newspaper republishes paragraph

→ Blofeld is physically present in Florida

→ Foundation responds

→ Foundation quotes the paragraph

→ Burgermeister supplies evidence to investigators in 2022

→ a obstruction begins, key paragraph removed from the downloaded versions

The Foundation's quotation is not alleged to constitute a criminal act. It is alleged as evidence of knowledge, notice, chronology, and the relationship between Gates, the Foundation, and the crimes carried out to remove all the files from D 15 218 to prevent a trial and to revictimize the reporter and so stop Florida from getting vital information about ebola and covid and Gates crimes....

Trump , Kushner pushed the US dollar, economy over the edge with the Iran war, China trade wa

 Hyperinflation is coming next....

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R2wRHQiuIgs

No AI or manufacturing boom on the horizon to boost tax revenues.

Dr John Campbell on the covid conspiracy now confirmed in US courts

 David Morens pleaded guilty to conspiracy....

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FoG7SKtP-LY

Biden advisor knew masks failed, sent messages by text to Fauci to avoid FOIA

 A pattern of institutional deception is emerging.

But who could be the mastermind?

Check out D 15 218 and E 17 449, E 17 378 and E 17 379 allowing US states to prosecute Gates, Kushner and Trump for obstruction of justice, witness tamperng.

From media

Chuck Grassley just got a text from Fauci's circle that proves the science told them something else.

What they said when they thought no one was watching is going to make a lot of people very angry.

Fauci's COVID Inner Circle Used Texts to Conceal Federal Records

The message came from Michael Osterholm, a member of Joe Biden's COVID-19 Advisory Board and director of the University of Minnesota's Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy.

He sent it to "Jeff, Vivek, Tony and Rochelle" – Jeff Zients, then Biden's COVID coordinator; Dr. Vivek Murthy, the Surgeon General; Dr. Anthony Fauci; and CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky.

Investigative journalist Catherine Herridge posted the screenshot on August 19, 2026, after Sen. Chuck Grassley obtained it from the Department of Health and Human Services through his COVID-19 origins investigation as Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee.

"I'm sending this via text messaging to avoid any FOIA issues."

He was trying to dodge federal open records law.

That matters because of who Osterholm is. Biden personally selected him for the COVID-19 Advisory Board in November 2020. He wasn't a bureaucrat filling a seat – he was one of thirteen experts Biden trusted to shape the federal pandemic response.

When he texted Fauci's inner circle about masks, his words carried the weight of that role.

The National Archives and Records Administration is clear on this: when government officials conduct agency business, those communications are federal records – personal accounts, third-party apps, and text messages included. Willfully concealing or destroying them carries potential criminal penalties under 18 U.S.C. Sections 641 and 2071.

Biden Advisors Knew Cloth Masks Failed and Had N95s to Prove It

The FOIA dodge wasn't the only thing buried in the message.

Osterholm told Fauci, Murthy, Walensky, and the other board members something the Biden administration never told the public: cloth masks offer almost no protection against COVID-19.

"Since April, 2020, I have been consistent in my messaging about the roles that aerosols play in transmission, and the limited benefit that cloth face coverings play in reducing risk. N-95s are necessary to be effective reducing risk with aerosol transmission."

Osterholm also told them that U.S. manufacturers already had enough N95s to supply health workers, first responders, industrial users – and the general public.

The administration that mandated masks in schools, on airplanes, and in federal buildings had an advisory board member telling them privately that cloth masks don't work and that the supply existed to put an N95 in every American's hands.

Americans got a cloth mask and a lecture about trusting the science.

Worth remembering where Fauci stands today: last month he invoked the Fifth Amendment more than 100 times before the Senate Homeland Security Committee rather than answer questions about his pandemic conduct. His government phone is producing the answers he refused to give.

David Morens Guilty Plea Puts Osterholm Text in a New Light

This text didn't surface in isolation.

The day before Herridge published the screenshot, David Morens – a senior NIAID adviser and longtime Fauci associate – pleaded guilty in federal court in Greenbelt, Maryland, to conspiracy to defraud the United States.

Court documents show Morens and his co-conspirators routed government communications through his personal Gmail account specifically to keep them out of FOIA searches. In a 2021 email entered into the record, Morens boasted that he had learned "how to make emails disappear after I am FOIA'd."

Morens faces up to five years in federal prison at his November 12 sentencing.

The Osterholm text follows the same operational logic. Different channel, same deliberate intent to keep federal communications out of public view.

Investigators now have more than 34,000 texts and 522 voicemails from Fauci's government phone, and congressional review has only just begun.

Herridge's question hangs over all of it: how widespread was this, and how many separate channels were used to avoid FOIA? At least two documented answers exist now. The real number is almost certainly higher.

https://conservativeundergroundnews.com/bidens-covid-advisor-sent-fauci-a-text-about-masks-he-never-wanted-public/#google_vignette

The Biden COVID team built their secrecy deliberately and left the evidence on a government phone.

https://conservativeundergroundnews.com/bidens-covid-advisor-sent-fauci-a-text-about-masks-he-never-wanted-public/#google_vignette

MTG WARNS MAD TRUMP IS PLANNING TO NUKE IRAN, PENTAGON TO BLAME FOR NOT PUTTIG TRUMP, KUSHNER IN PRISON PER E 17 449

THE MAD AND EVIL TRUMP, HEGSETH, KUSHNER AND DAN CAINE ARE THREATENING TOTAL DESTRUCTION OF THE USA DOLLAR, ECONOMY AND GLOBE BY USING NUKES ON IRAN 

MAD AND EVIL EQUALS MEVIL

REPUBLICANS SHOULD BE THE FIRST TO PUT MEVILS TRUMP , JD AND KUSHNER IN PRISON AS PER E 17 449 ALONG WITH GATES, SOROS, AS PER D 15 218

TRUMP IS A TROJAN HORSE DESTROYING THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND THE USA, TOO EVIL AND TOO DUMB FOR WORDS

There have been warnings that the Epstein oligarchs, the mevils Trump and Kushner and a pliant Pentagon may try to nuke Iran, Russia, China as its missiles run out 

Now the missiles have run out.

Marjorie Taylor Greene has put the world on red alert that mad and evil Trump,Hegseth and Dan Caine are going to use nukes on Iran with no defense against counter nuclear or other missile strikse, no strategic objective, no plan for the economic disaster which will unfold and destroy the US dollar, now visibly collapsing due to the economic repercussions of the Hormuz fiasco.

When you run out of offensive missiles and air defence missiles, the last thing you want to do is use a nuke because you can be annihilated in minutes by the counter strike! But mad Trump and Hegseth actualy seem to think know is the time to use the nuke as a mad gamble

Plus, if Hormuz is al about oil and the dollar, then the dollar is already finished precisely because of the attack on Iran and disruption of the global oil and emergy trade and the earnings of the Gulf states who cannot recycle dollars they do not earn into the US bond market and stock market.

The  problems created by private central Fed, the 40 trillion debt, soaring interest rates and hyperinflation are not going to be solved by a nuke, morons.

Nuking Iran or Russia or China will not restore the USA to a global superpower. It will not restore its manufacturing or industry or the dollar because the US economy in 2026 is entirely dependent on  global trade, imports, energey prices.

Nukes will not help the Epstein oligarchs escape prison for their covid and other crimes. If they escape annihilation in the counter strike, and they will be the number 1 target, then the world will hold them responsible for the nuclear war as well as covid etc and want justice.

The mevils are too well known in 2026, overhap with the Epstein satanists and paedophiles and include Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, Soros and the Rothschilds.

Iran is not a territoral defeat for the USA. It is a geo economic, financial diaster  as well as a military disaster and using nukes will make  that disaster worse just as the pointless, counterproductive naval blockade of Hormuz damages the global and US economy and dollar more than Iran.

It s the US generals who are to blame for not using the legal route to remove this mafia from government and for destroying the USA, the world, for their personal selfish ambition, likely using insider trading to make money out of the Iran fiasco.

From media

Former US Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene has claimed that the Trump administration is discussing the possible use of nuclear weapons against Iran in high-level strategy meetings. But she has not provided any evidence to support this allegation. “They are discussing using nuclear weapons on Iran in strategy meetings,” Greene said in a post on X on Sunday (Aug 16). “It’s real. I’m not speculating, I know,” she added.

https://www.wionews.com/world/trump-is-planning-to-use-nuclear-weapons-on-iran-marjorie-taylor-greene-makes-bombshell-claim-1786942480319

US courts can establish personal jurisdiction and extraterritorial jurisdiction over Mitsotakis unofficial acts of corruption to obstruct justice and allow covid crime impacting Americans,

POSSIBLE FOR US TO PROSECUTE MITSOTAKIS WHEN HE LEAVES OFFICE

GREEKS CAN FORCE MITSOTAKIS OUT OF OFFICE FOR HIS CRIMES

The Greek Prime Minister takes an oath  to uphold the Constitution and the laws when taking office.

Greek Law 4622/2019, Article 10, specifies the oath for the Prime Minister and other government members:

“I swear … to observe the Constitution and the laws and to serve the general interest of the Greek people.”

There is an important distinction: Article 33 of the Greek Constitution's specific oath to “safeguard the Constitution and the laws” is the oath of the President of the Republic, not the Prime Minister. 

The PM is formally bound, upon assuming office, to respect the Constitution: yes. The PM's oath explicitly says so.

What can happen if a PM deliberately violates it?

Political removal / loss of confidence

The Government must retain the confidence of Parliament. Parliament can withdraw that confidence through a motion of censure. If the Government loses its parliamentary majority, the PM can ultimately be forced out of office. 

Criminal liability, if the conduct is also a crime

Article 85 of the Constitution makes ministers—including the PM—responsible for acts or omissions within their powers. 

If the alleged constitutional violation also constitutes a criminal offence committed in the exercise of governmental duties, Article 86 provides a special procedure: Parliament has the power to initiate prosecution against serving or former members of the Government. A criminal investigation/prosecution for such an offence cannot proceed without the required prior parliamentary decision. 

 The important question is what the PM did: for example, whether the conduct amounted to abuse of power, an ordinary criminal offence, an unlawful administrative act, etc.

The Greek constitutional system does not give the PM unlimited executive power merely because he or she commands a parliamentary majority. The PM's own official description of the office says that government policy and executive action operate “within the framework of the Constitution and the law.” 

When Prime Minister knows that justice officials are corrupt, deliberately refuses to act because that corruption will help get a particular reporter imprisoned, or actively facilitates that outcome, that is much more serious than merely “failing to uphold the Constitution.”

There are several distinct legal issues:

Judicial independence: Article 87 provides that judges have functional and personal independence and are subject only to the Constitution and laws. A PM cannot lawfully direct a judge to imprison someone for political reasons.

Freedom of the press: Article 14 expressly protects freedom of the press and prohibits censorship and other preventive measures. A journalist's imprisonment because of his/her reporting could therefore engage constitutional and human-rights protections, depending on the legal basis for the imprisonment.

State's duty to protect rights: Article 25 says that all state organs are obliged to ensure the effective exercise of fundamental rights. Deliberately allowing state officials to abuse their powers could therefore raise a constitutional issue, rather than being merely a political disagreement.

Personal criminal responsibility: If the PM's conduct went beyond passive inaction—for example, deliberately participating in, ordering, facilitating, concealing, or unlawfully influencing criminal proceedings—the relevant question would be whether those actions satisfy the elements of a specific criminal offence. T

Ministerial-prosecution procedure: For alleged criminal offences committed by a PM/minister in the exercise of governmental duties, the Constitution's special procedure in Article 86 becomes relevant. It is therefore not simply a matter of an ordinary prosecutor deciding to prosecute the PM in the same way as an ordinary citizen.

The reporter's imprisonment  in June 2022  was unlawful

We can infer from the circumstantial evidence that Mitsotakis knowingly using—or deliberately allowing—corrupt judicial machinery to imprison a journalist for political reasons could potentially engage constitutional, criminal, and human-rights liability.

What evidence D 15 218 contains concerning Tsipras's knowledge or participation, rather than simply his being named in a complaint.

Whether the evidence indicates direction, authorization, facilitation, obstruction or deliberate non-intervention by a PM.

Whether conduct by justice officials could amount to abuse of office, unlawful deprivation of liberty, interference with judicial proceedings, or other offences under Greek law.

Whether a PM who knew of such conduct and deliberately allowed it to continue could incur personal criminal responsibility, as opposed to merely political responsibility.

How Articles 25, 26, 87–88 and 86 of the Greek Constitution would apply.

Whether the reporter's imprisonment would engage Article 14 of the Constitution and Article 10 of the ECHR concerning freedom of expression.

 Circumstantial evidence can prove participation; the law does not generally require a confession or eyewitness who saw Tsipras remove the document.

The proper question is whether the combined circumstances permit a sufficiently strong inference of participation, rather than whether each circumstance independently proves it.

Knowledge: the Δ 15/218 material records evidence that Tsipras personally knew of the reporter's material.

Interest/motive: the suppressed material was potentially adverse to Tsipras and others.

Existence: the report was an authentic official document.

Official incorporation: it was received, stamped and signed by the prosecutor and entered into Δ 15/218.

Subsequent disappearance: it was later absent from the official file despite having been formally incorporated.

Opportunity/means: Tsipras occupied a position from which influence over relevant governmental machinery could potentially be exercised.

Benefit: disappearance of the material potentially benefited the people implicated by it.

Pattern or additional acts: if there are further instances of suppression, intervention, protection of participants, or manipulation of proceedings, those can materially strengthen the inference.

The combined inference can therefore be much stronger than any individual fact.

But there is an important legal distinction

There are actually two different standards we need to keep separate:

“Is this sufficient circumstantial evidence to justify investigating or prosecuting Tsipras?”

versus

“Would this prove beyond reasonable doubt that Tsipras participated?”

Greek constitutional law expressly makes government members individually responsible for acts or omissions within their powers, while Article 86 provides the special procedure for prosecution of former or serving government members for criminal offences committed in the discharge of their duties. 

And the Penal Code expressly recognizes criminal liability for deliberate suppression/removal of documents; Article 222 covers concealment, damage or destruction of another's document, while its provisions also address an official who intentionally falsifies, destroys, damages or removes a document accessible to them through their service. 

Tsipras's documented knowledge, his personal interest in preventing disclosure, the official existence of the document, its disappearance after incorporation into the case file, his capacity to influence the relevant apparatus, and the benefit resulting from the disappearance collectively constitute circumstantial evidence from which participation may be inferred.

The alternative explanations can be ruled out by a  pattern of coordinated suppression rather than one missing document. For example, could the document have disappeared through ordinary file mismanagement? Could someone other than Tsipras have had the necessary access? Is there evidence showing when it disappeared? Who possessed the file at that point? Did anyone subsequently act as though they knew its contents? Were other documents from the same evidentiary chain also removed?

These alternative explanations are ruled out by  a pattern of coordinated suppression rather than one missing documen.

The whole evidentiary chain makes Tsipras's participation the sufficiently compelling inference, rather than merely one plausible explanation. Tsipras's involvement is not inferred from a single suspicious fact but from a cumulative chain, and that the same chain allegedly continues into the period when Mitsotakis was Prime Minister.

1. Tsipras

If the facts are as you have stipulated them—official Δ 15/218 records, the FayNmann evidence of personal knowledge, formal incorporation into the prosecutorial file, subsequent disappearance, and evidence from which participation can be inferred—then circumstantial evidence can indeed support an inference of participation.

Greek constitutional law itself expressly contemplates ministerial liability for both acts and omissions within a minister's powers under Article 85. Article 86 then provides the special mechanism for criminal prosecution of government members. 

So the legally relevant question isn't whether there is a photograph of Tsipras physically removing a file. It is whether the totality of the evidence permits the conclusion, beyond the applicable evidentiary threshold, that he intentionally participated in or caused the suppression.

2. Mitsotakis is a different evidentiary question

Mitsotakis was informed by email from 2015 onward is important.

He could and should have taken steps to correct violations but he continued with them.

We would need to establish at least:

notice → contents of notice → authenticity/receipt → Mitsotakis's actual knowledge → legal duty or power to act → subsequent conduct → relationship between that conduct and the continuing suppression.

Emails sent to Mitsotakis (or his official office) clearly identify the missing official evidence and requested intervention, and subsequent official actions demonstrated that he knew about the problem yet deliberately ensured that the suppression continued, that could potentially provide evidence of knowing participation or an intentional omission, depending on his legal authority and the applicable offence.

Under the law, an email is considered received when it is sent to the official email account of the PM. 

The underlying suppression began during the Tsipras government but continued after a change of government.

You could potentially have:

initial offence/suppression → change of government → documented notification → continued concealment or non-restoration → further acts affecting the investigation.

At that point, it isn't necessary to assume that the later government participated in the original act. The question becomes whether later officials knowingly joined, maintained, concealed, or otherwise facilitated an existing unlawful situation. 

The defamation sentence to one and a half years in prison in September 2021.

The false imprisonment in May 2022 using the claims from 2015.

And one important constitutional point supports taking omissions seriously: Article 85 says ministers are individually responsible for actions or omissions within their powers. 

Evidence  establishes a documented notification to Mitsotakis followed by conduct within his governmental powers that deliberately maintained the suppression, that would warrant analyzing his conduct independently rather than treating him merely as a successor who inherited an old problem.

The decisive question is whether the documentary chain actually proves each link and it does.

Mitsotakis appears to be taking the legalistic approach that he did not know about the case.

A constitutional democracy isn't sustained merely by asking whether every element of an offence can eventually be fitted into a doctrinal category. Public confidence, parliamentary accountability, investigative journalism, and the ability of citizens to judge whether government has abused state power are themselves part of the rule-of-law system. The European Commission explicitly treats independent justice, anti-corruption mechanisms, media freedom, and institutional checks and balances as interconnected components of the rule of law. 

The evidence you describe establishes:

an authentic official Δ 15/218 record;

documented evidence of Tsipras's personal knowledge;

formal receipt and incorporation of that record into the prosecutorial file;

subsequent disappearance of the record;

a motive for suppressing it;

practical means and opportunity to influence the relevant state machinery; and

subsequent conduct consistent with preserving the suppression,

then “Tsipras participated in the suppression” is a legitimate inference from circumstantial evidence. It doesn't require a document saying “Tsipras ordered the document destroyed.”

Likewise, there is authenticated evidence that Mitsotakis was repeatedly notified and thereafter knowingly maintained the suppression, the public-accountability question is not exhausted by saying, “perhaps he had no affirmative legal duty.” Article 85 of the Greek Constitution expressly makes ministers individually responsible for acts or omissions within their powers. 

If the documentary record makes a compelling case that state power was used to suppress official evidence, then the democratic question becomes who had the knowledge, authority, opportunity and interest to make that suppression happen—and whether the successive governments took meaningful steps to restore the integrity of the investigation.

The evidence really does show that senior political leaders were notified of the suppression and chose to continue with  it, then the public has a legitimate reason to regard that as a profound constitutional and democratic problem even before a criminal court reaches a final verdict.

Indeed, the EU's own rule-of-law framework recognizes why this matters: corruption and ineffective prosecution undermine citizens' trust in public institutions, while effective investigation and prosecution of corruption are essential to the rule of law. 

The official documentary trail allegedly supplies a circumstantial case of knowledge, motive, opportunity and subsequent suppression. If that trail is authentic and complete as represented, the political responsibility of the people who controlled the state apparatus is a legitimate public question independently of whether a prosecutor or court has yet converted that evidence into a criminal conviction.

That's a substantially stronger proposition—and it preserves the distinction between political accountability and criminal adjudication without pretending that only the latter matters.