ASKED US LAW ENFORCEMENT TO PUT KUSHNER IN PRETRIAL DETENTION TODAY AS THE CHAIN OF RECORDS GOES BACK TO HIM FOR THE LAWFARE, FINANCIAL HARM, EVICTION

 

SUBJ CHAIN OF RECORDS SHOWS KUSHNER, TRUMP ARE BEHIND A MURDER ATTEMPT OF A WITNESS TO THEIR COVID JAB CRIMES ON THURSDAY NIGHT

From Jane Burgermeister

Science reporter

https://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=jane+burgermeister&oq=jane

28 September 2026

Larisa, Greece

Dear James Uthmeier,

Dear Liz Murrill,

Dear Attorney Generals of the USA,

On Friday 25th September 2026, I reported that I, an official witness in a criminal probe opened against Jared Kushner and Donald Trump, nearly died of the freezing cold sleeping on a park bench in Larisa after being evicted from the hall of Lambrou Katsoni 29, Larisa, by the Nikopolous siblings, who are co owners with a funding link to Jared Kushner and I presented records also of a criminal case opened against Jared Kushner in 2017 in which I am the official victim politiki enagon, which linked Kushner back to this eviction and to the ultimate act of obstruction of justice and witness tampering, and murder attempt of a witness.

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/l2foxrbr0c78vebjj3th3/Gmail-Emergency-Kushner-nearly-kille...-probe-to-obstruct-justice-last-night.pdf?rlkey=07gulejh67yhccrk3om931jha&st=j2myatvw&dl=0

Please summaries here

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/x6e4i87xnwue8z5r68m6p/TheCaseAgainstAlbertBourla-Pfizer.pdf?rlkey=bmjb55e7r2571d2lz8l7x37rm&st=kjkeek3p&dl=0

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/qrj1m2c85ubx66f0c31sw/Fauci-GatesEvidenceInGRKCriminalProbes.pdf?rlkey=810k73qc9qv2mh4y96dtiumjm&st=uin08hi2&dl=0

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1CGD9uWnYWvNRx0gxekXM0KfjkL8ZKg_I/view?usp=drive_link

Whether I witness dies by the bullet or by exposure is immaterial if the records, documents can show that Kushner, Trump organized the exposure as I will show they did.

Please see attached the evidence I am a politiki enagon in E 17 449 and my testimony against Trump and Kushner as well as copies of trials E 17 378, E 17 379 and decisions 484 2021 and 485 2021. I have not obtained the written decision of my innocence 484 2021 for E 17 378 but only the notification that I was declared innocent from Larisa court.

Please continue reading this submission as an attachment and at the link here.

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1KCyKXzKuo6oel5LzM0UGiu2U9sus25k_/view?usp=sharing

Attachment is called KushnerObstructionWintnessTamperingEvidenceSept2026

Please note I have been offered temporary hospitality in Thessaloniki at the home of Professor Aris Christidis due to my dire destitution and life threatening situation

TEXT FOLLOWS

SUBJ CHAIN OF RECORDS SHOWS KUSHNER, TRUMP ARE BEHIND A MURDER ATTEMPT OF A WITNESS TO THEIR COVID JAB CRIMES ON THURSDAY NIGHT

From Jane Burgermeister

Science reporter

https://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=jane+burgermeister&oq=jane

28 September 2026

Larisa

Dear James Uthmeier,

Dear Liz Murrill,

Dear Attorney Generals of the USA,

On Friday 25^th September 2026, I reported that I, an official witness in a criminal probe opened against Jared Kushner and Donald Trump, nearly died of the freezing cold sleeping on a park bench in Larisa after being evicted from the hall of Lambrou Katsoni 29, Larisa, by the Nikopolous siblings, who are co owners with a funding link to Jared Kushner and I presented records also of a criminal case opened against Jared Kushner in 2017 in which I am the official victim politiki enagon, which linked Kushner back to this eviction and to the ultimate act of obstruction of justice and witness tampering, and murder attempt of a witness.

Please summaries here

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/x6e4i87xnwue8z5r68m6p/TheCaseAgainstAlbertBourla-Pfizer.pdf?rlkey=bmjb55e7r2571d2lz8l7x37rm&st=kjkeek3p&dl=0

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/qrj1m2c85ubx66f0c31sw/Fauci-GatesEvidenceInGRKCriminalProbes.pdf?rlkey=810k73qc9qv2mh4y96dtiumjm&st=uin08hi2&dl=0

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1CGD9uWnYWvNRx0gxekXM0KfjkL8ZKg_I/view?usp=drive_link

Whether I witness dies by the bullet or by exposure is immaterial if the records, documents can show that Kushner, Trump organized the exposure as I will show they did.

Please see attached the evidence I am a politiki enagon in E 17 449 and my testimonyagainst Trump and Kushner as well as copies of trials E 17 378, E 17 379 and decisions 484 2021 and 485 2021. I have not obtained the written decision of my innocence 484 2021 for E 17 378 but only the notification that I was declared innocent from Larisa court.

Please see my email on Friday morning after I survived barely and was helped to a hotel by others, which is why I can write this as I discuss below giving also by new address, temporarily in Thessaloniki,

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/l2foxrbr0c78vebjj3th3/Gmail-Emergency-Kushner-nearly-kille...-probe-to-obstruct-justice-last-night.pdf?rlkey=07gulejh67yhccrk3om931jha&st=j2myatvw&dl=0

Please note I was not able to see dropbox copies when I tried the links but I have noother way of attempting to send evidenc. U allege a possible case obstruction of justice given precedents described elsewhereI emailed Google and Dropbox and asked them to ensure the documents are accessible via their press emails at circa 1 pm Larisa time.

I ask the US authorities to subpoena Drpobox for the documents as well as Google to see if there was a deliberate sabotage of access or whether it was a failure outside their control

This eviction resulting in my near death from hypothermia happened as Larisa court sent me a key document proving the corruption of justice and lawfare condcted Kushner for ten years and continuing to day as I discuss below.

Key documents are attached including the innocent notification for 484 2021 and available as links

Please see a copy of the email to me by Larisa criminal court on September 25th 2026 with the decision for E 17 578 which is 484 2021 attached whose significance in proving ten years of suppression of a reporter by Kushner I will discuss at the links below.

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/5wj7y4v9gv5y6xicfwxik/Gmail.pdf?rlkey=se7m1t2vu66xnrc5wogvv8i60&st=1bjq6c1g&dl=0

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/l0m42z5tdxao0awv7bjek/.pdf?rlkey=cu463nrdj1fbxiuwsogxwjqdd&st=t1x7jl40&dl=0

I have discussed the significance of this probe E 17 449 in 2017 against Kushner as evidence of his prior knowledge that the covid vaccines would case harms and the role of Albert Bourla, Pfizer CEO in suppressing a reporter, myself.

Please see summaries here

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/frci8gkqajfy8jfwj6cs9/2017-Grk-prosecutor-probes-convict-Kushner-of-covid-treason-Iran.pdf?rlkey=tz6jztrrgfjorigb8p1vzwfj1&st=60q3gz5g&dl=0

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1CGD9uWnYWvNRx0gxekXM0KfjkL8ZKg_I/view?usp=drive_link

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/qrj1m2c85ubx66f0c31sw/Fauci-GatesEvidenceInGRKCriminalProbes.pdf?rlkey=810k73qc9qv2mh4y96dtiumjm&st=uin08hi2&dl=0

In this submission, I will discuss in more deail how these financial and legal records, especially a new notification of an innocent decision from Larisa court in a defamation case over my words against Kushner in 2017, provide a concrete evidentiary chain linking knowledge, motive, financing, and execution of the eviction on Thursday to nearly cause my death back to Kushner and Trump as well as Gates and Soros.

As discussed, I have shown the evidence that the sister Aikaterina received funding from the same Saudi government money ecoystem as Jared Kushner, through Affinity, from January 2025.

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1CGD9uWnYWvNRx0gxekXM0KfjkL8ZKg_I/view?usp=drive_link

The financial records and Saudi funding of coowner Aikaterina, when considered alongside the evidence identifying the Nikopoulos brothers for their role on Thursday evening in evicting me into the freezing cold and able to forsee my death can be presented as evidence connecting Kushner to the eviction while the earlier 2017 attempt at my imprisonment without due process i demonstrates a prior connection between Kushner, Donald Trump and the intended victim, myself, the official politik enagon in a probe E 17 449 opened against them in 2017

The significance of the innocent decision is that it closes the chain opened in 2017 and proves the subsequent retaliation and lawfare ( E 17 378 and E 17 379() is part of a conintuous plan since then, since 2017, to suppress the reporter and the evidence that Kushner and Trump knew that covid vaccines would be toxic years before they organized their administration to Americans as discussed in submissions elsewhere and so ties them to my financial destitution which they are able to exploit using their instruments, the Nikopoulous brothers.

I present here a new piece of evidence that the trials E 17 378 and E 17 379 resulting in two inconsistent verdicts, innocent and guilty, for my words spoken about Kushner were lawfare in the form of a document from Larisa court criminal division affirming that I was declared innocent in 484 2021 which is the decision to the trial E 17 378 and affirming that I was not given the written document to prevent me from showing that I was being subjected to retaliation as I discuss.

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/l0m42z5tdxao0awv7bjek/.pdf?rlkey=cu463nrdj1fbxiuwsogxwjqdd&st=t1x7jl40&dl=0

The email one day came after I nearly died on Thursday night from hypothermina and I allege the plan was I never receive the email and show its significance for showing Kushner, Trump as well as Bill Gates and George Soros have engaged in a years long conspiracy to silence me and have only changed their methods from legal warfare to financial pressure resulting in my eviction on Thursday and near death from hardship and cold.

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/5wj7y4v9gv5y6xicfwxik/Gmail.pdf?rlkey=se7m1t2vu66xnrc5wogvv8i60&st=1bjq6c1g&dl=0

It is one thing if I am a reporter who causes trouble, is legally found guilty of defamation and becomes impoverished through their own fault.

Quite another altogether when the reporter can show they were subjected to lawfare by the Kushner tools in Larisa, to discredit them, imprison them and impoverish them.

Precisely that is what the notification of the confirmation that I was declared innocent in the trial E 17 378 over the words of Kushner in decision 484 2021 hwhich was withheld from me until now proves.

For lawfare also brings with it economic ruin and exposed me to financial pressure which the Saudi funded Nikopoulous siblings could exploit to nearly kill me on Thursday.

I was only saved by people from Germany intervening to pay my hotel on Friday until today as I dicuss.

I am travelling to Thessaloniki today, Monday 28th September 2026, to stay at the home of Professor Aris Christidis with the address at the end.

Finally I ask for a review of whether Kushnere, Trump, Bourla, Gates and Soros should be placed in pretrial detention without bail to prevent them destroying witnesses and evidence that they planned covid and caused mass deaths in America with toxic vaccine deliberately.

When a key witness keeps warning they are about to be killed and gets no protection, then criminals are emboldened, the public loses trust in the US justice system and public safety collapses.

KEY DOCUMENTS

Email court sept 25th 2026

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/5wj7y4v9gv5y6xicfwxik/Gmail.pdf?rlkey=se7m1t2vu66xnrc5wogvv8i60&st=1bjq6c1g&dl=0

Innnocen t declaration

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/l0m42z5tdxao0awv7bjek/.pdf?rlkey=cu463nrdj1fbxiuwsogxwjqdd&st=t1x7jl40&dl=0

Kushner nearly killed a reporter freezing

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/l2foxrbr0c78vebjj3th3/Gmail-Emergency-Kushner-nearly-kille...-probe-to-obstruct-justice-last-night.pdf?rlkey=07gulejh67yhccrk3om931jha&st=j2myatvw&dl=0SCREENSHOTS OF KEY DOCUMENTS

THE NOTIFICATION OF THE INNOCENT DECISION ON 23TH SEPTEMBER 2026

https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/l0m42z5tdxao0awv7bjek/.pdf?rlkey=cu463nrdj1fbxiuwsogxwjqdd&st=t1x7jl40&dl=0

KEY PARAGRAPH IN WHICH I AM DECLARED INNOCENT

Note I was never served the innocent decision but only the guilty decesion despite my being present at both trials E 17 378 and E 17 379 on 20^th September 2021 so the reason given by Papaioannou why I was not served the innocent decision, namely because I heard ir orally, is inconsistent

ENGLISH TRANSLATION

THE GUILTY DECISION FOR 485 2021

Note I was never served the innocent decision but only the guilty decsison

MY APPEAL TO THE INNOCENT AND GUILTY DECISION IN SEPTEMBER 2021 NOTES THE INCONSISTENCY OF BEING FOUND INNOCENT AND GUILTY FOR THE SAME TEN POSTS PLUS THE KUSHNER POST

CONFIRMATION OF THE ACCEPTANCE OF MY APPEAL

https://www.dropbox.com/s/prz8rdzlk3qon0v/Appeal.png?dl=0

NOTE THE LINK DOES NOT SEEM TO BE WORKING

THE TRIAL INDICUMENT E 17 3789 WITH DECISION 484 2021

THE TRIAL INDICUMENT E 17 3789 WITH DCISION 485 2021

KEY TAKE AWAY

AN EXAMINATION OF THE TRIALS E 17 378 AND E 17 379 SHOWS BOTH TRIALS WERE A REPEAT OF THE ORIGINAL CRIME CONCERNING MY WORDS ABOUT KUSHNER IN 2017 AND FOR WHICH KUSHNER WAS INVESTIGATED INVOLVING THE SAME TEN POSTS PLUS THE KUSHNER, RUSSIA ALLEGATIONS IN E 17 378, THE SAME LAWYER, SIMOS SAMARS, AND THE SAME WITNESSES THEODEKTI AND KONSTANTINOS CHRISTOPOULOS

KEY LINKS

Simos Samaras Feb 2016 temp civil injunction application for 10 posts

https://www.dropbox.com/s/xvsby7aeosymo4c/Simos%20Samaras2016tempcivilinjunction.pdf?dl=0

https://www.dropbox.com/s/4lr4ukyoqcsguig/SamarasTenBlogPostsCivilInjunction.pdf?dl=0

The birdflu 666 ten posts

https://www.dropbox.com/s/vxvukj4rruxw0ej/birdflu666TenPosts.pdf?dl=0

The civil injunction decision Judge Phonete Karanikola

https://www.dropbox.com/s/pslgoecpzx1h4p4/KaranikolaCvilInjuncRuling-1-8.pdf?dl=0

My defence in the temporary civil injunction

https://www.dropbox.com/s/nmawhgzm35msxew/MyDefenceCivil%20defamation%20case%20Simos%20Samaras.pdf?dl=0

Simos Samaras Feb 2016 temp civil injunction application for 10 posts

https://www.dropbox.com/s/xvsby7aeosymo4c/Simos%20Samaras2016tempcivilinjunction.pdf?dl=0

https://www.dropbox.com/s/4lr4ukyoqcsguig/SamarasTenBlogPostsCivilInjunction.pdf?dl=0

My charges against Samaras

https://www.dropbox.com/s/gaof6bu1drqq330/MychargesE17449July2017.pdf?dl=0

My charges against Samaras evidence 1

https://www.dropbox.com/s/0wp2woy9h01f9k6/EvidenceE17449%201_compressed.pdf?dl=0

My charges against Samaras evidence 2

https://www.dropbox.com/s/w0j2n4k8e47zole/EvidenceE17449%202_compressed.pdf?dl=0

Samaras charges against me

https://www.dropbox.com/s/ae8est76ujsc1k2/SamaraschargesagainstmeH1744.pdf?dl=0

My testimony to the police magistrate E 17 449

https://www.dropbox.com/s/0t7lkw7f7l05gu8/PolicemagistratetestimonyE17449.pdf?dl=0

My FBI report on the 2009 swine flu plot

https://www.dropbox.com/s/m3rx9mn7cjtk4h4/FBI%20Swine%20Flu%20Report%2020

Russian TV emails to set up the interview about plandemics

https://www.dropbox.com/s/j08prckw6j535ox/ChristinaFadeevaEmailsJune2016%20comp_.pdf?dl=0

E 17 378 Indictment English

https://www.dropbox.com/s/uyuoxpmwm661j8c/E17%20378trialIndictmentEng.pdf?dl=0

E 17 378 Indictment Greek

https://www.dropbox.com/s/mu95mikhfvzoe2o/E17%20378trialindictmentGRK.pdf?dl=0

E 17 379 Indictment English

https://www.dropbox.com/s/0iqgnqwxe678gfw/E17%20379trialIndictmentEng.pdf?dl=0

E 17 379 Indictment Greek

https://www.dropbox.com/s/jqr1eg07k1m4wpf/E17%20379trialindictmentGRK.pdf?dl=0

https://www.dropbox.com/s/jqr1eg07k1m4wpf/E17%20379trialindictmentGRK.pdf?dl=0

Trial E 17 379 Decision and Prison sentence

https://www.dropbox.com/s/xygxd4fj73xg9ac/PrisonDecisionFeb2022.pdf?dl=0

Appeal court decision on prison sentence

https://www.dropbox.com/s/prz8rdzlk3qon0v/Appeal.png?dl=0

KEY CONTACT DETAILS FOR THE NIKOPOULOS SIBLINGS

Kannelos Panagiotis Nikopoulos (Akis)

28th Oktobriou, Larisa,

Mobile 30 6937209255

Ioannis Nikopoulos (John), Director of the Nikopoulos language school

23ης Οκτωβρίου 21, Lárisa, Greece

Tel 30 241 055 5001

info@nikolopouleioforeignlanguages.com

nikolopouleioforeignlanguages.com

https://www.facebook.com/nikolopouleio/?locale=el_GR

Nikaia,

Mobile 30 6937211891

Coowners of the school building Nikopoeleio at Lambrou Katsoni 29, Larisa, pending the resolution of an inheritance dispute

together with sister

Aikaterina Nikopoulou (Katarina)

Professor at Ajman University

https://www.ajman.ac.ae/en/cba/directory/staff/aikaterini-nikolopoulou

a.nikolopoulou@ajman.ac.ae

06 705 9845

Ajman Campus

Ext: 9845

“Professor Katerina Nicolopoulou (FRSA, FEL, SFHEA) is a Professor of Entrepreneurship at the College of Business Administration and the Head of the new Global Research Cluster for Entrepreneurship and Entrepreneurial Leadership at Ajman University.”

Her flat is at 28th Oktobriou (A 5), Larisa, where I stayed in winter, spring of 2025

INTRODUCTION

This case begins with a warning. My offense was that I spoke about information I believed the public had a right to know, about a plan to use a dual purpose biological warfare programme hidden inside US government and global health programmes to cause mass deaths through plandmics.

When words threatened powerful interests, the response was not an answer to those words but an attempt to silence the people who spoke them. In the case of Kushner and Trump, Gates and Soros, their machinery of persecution reached into Greece and is a matter of established fact, prven independently, act by act and document by document.

Consider the reporter. The legal attack fails. Money then reaches the sister of the men who control the place I live. An attempted abduction follows. Another payment is alleged. Then imprisonment, hunger, exposure, and an attempt upon my life. The locks to the hall were changed without warning by KP Nikopoulos around midday Thursdaywith the permission of the co owners, Joannis and, or Aikaterina who are the legal administrators and my things seized. Yet I survived a freezing night on a par k bench on Thursday night (hypothermia, uncontrollable shivering, faintness, heart palpittions), obtained assistance, and told authorities. The significance of my survival is that the alleged perpetrators did not succeed in destroying the witness. The reporter Kushner , Trump and Gates sought to silence became the man who could tell the authorities what had been done.

The evidence shows after she published my warning in 2017 that Kushner and Trump s team were a part of a plandemic, legal proceedings were brought against me and that the same report was subsequently subjected to repeated attacks. One proceeding for essentially the same reports ended in my acquittal and another in conviction, while the favorable judgment was withheld. That is now proven by my communcations with Larisa court and my the transmission to me of confirmation that I was acquitted and so raise a grave question about whether legal process was being used to determine guilt—or to prevent the reporter from demonstrating how I had been pursued and who was behind it. For if we follow the legal attacks back some go back to Kushner, others to Gates, but the econnections are clear from the records, the file numbers, the people involved.

Indeed, it appears the same corrupted prosecutor who signed the indictment for D 15 218 knowing that the key police files had been removed, and who paved the way for defamation charges againt me by Simos Samaras in 2016, Aikaterina Papaiannou appears to have signed the confirmation of my innocent declaration in the case E 17 378 but without connecting the files and without explaining the failure to serve the written verdict in a way that makes sense.

Whether vaccines contained a dangerous form of SV40 contamination, whether such contamination could cause cytokine storms, and whether vaccination caused particular deaths are scientific and medical questions requiring their own evidence. But the fact is that a warning in 2017 and ealier, and subsequent scientific findings prove that a particular vaccines caused deaths.

And if the documentary evidence ultimately established that powerful officials knowingly responded to warnings by manipulating legal proceedings, financing intermediaries, concealing exculpatory judgments, and escalating from litigation to physical coercion, then the central issue would be larger than any individual accusation. It would be whether the machinery of law and authority had been turned against the witness precisely because I had spoken. I ask you to follow the chain—not from assumption to conclusion, but from warning to response, from response to instruction, from instruction to action, and from action to the person who knowingly authorized it. Where that chain is proved, as I will show it is through official documents in the state prosecutors office in Larisa. responsibility follows from evidence.

I will demonstrate that the chain of responsibility for the fact I nearly froze to death on Thursday night sleeping on a park bench in Larisa after months of hardship and deprivation goes back to Kushner and how the innocent declaration transmitted around that same time to me by Papaiannou was likely designed never to be seen by me and its significance connecting my situation back to Kushner not to be grasped.

For the plan was that I would be too ex hausted or even dead and not able to open my email, see the innocent declaration and connect the dots for the US authorities which lead back to Kushner, Trump, Gates and Soros and the broad Epstein billioniare circle.

Finally, I will ask US authorities to consider reviewing the evidence of Kushner s ten year persection of a reporter from around 2021 from his base in Florida, to obstruct justice, silence a witness to his knowingly giving Americans toxic covid vaccines and to consider instituting proceedings for his pretrial detention along with Trump, Gates and Soros and any others identified

Trump has noimmunity for private and unofficial acts as documented in E 17 449 in Greece.

THE INNOCENT DECLARATION AS PROOF OF TEN YEARS OF LAWFARE BY KUSHNER TO SUPPRESS A WITNESS

I ask you to not regard the proceedings which resulted in my being declared innocent in a document sent by Larisa criminal court with the date 23 September 2026 and which begun in 2017 as an isolated lawsuit. I ask you to examine the timing and content. Years before the covid vaccines were found to be contaminated with SV virus, to cause cytokine storms and mass deaths in the USA reached its later murderous form, I was already being subjected to legal attack in 2017 because of what I had reported and what I claimed to know about Kushner s knowledge. If the evidence establishes that persons acting for Kushner were already attempting to suppress my disclosures in 2017, then those proceedings acquire a significance far beyond the courtroom. They become evidence that Kushners interest in my reporting preceded the covid vaccine harms and that the effort to silence me was not born after the covid vaccine harms emerged and did not stop when they emerged but continues until today.

They show a continuing ten year plan by Kushner to silence a witness.

Nor is the failure of that first method without significance in 2017. The law was tried first. I was attacked through accusations, litigation, and attempts to discredit me by the lawyer Simos Samaras, aided by Theodekti and Konstantinos Christopoulos and corrupt justice officials in Larisa. When that strategy failed, the methods changed: financial pressure, an attempted abduction, imprisonment, deprivation, and ultimately an attempt upon my life using exposure, using the Gaza style stavation tactics in Larisa, a European city where people supposedly have a safety net, rights.

To be forced onto a park bench at night with light clothing, no food or money when you are an official victim of a probe naming Kushner in 2017 and Kushner has denied you your rights, and conducted lawfare, that is a different situation from an ordinary economic disaster. The destitution is the direct result of Kushner s lawfare paired with other acts to block all help from the local city social services while engaging the owners of the building where the reporter has taken refuge with their permission originally as the final chain in the command to kill the reporter on Thursday with a Kushner, Saudi money link to the sister as an inducement

I do not ask you to assume that every subsequent act was ordered personally by Kushner . It ask you to consider whether the succession of methods, occurring after repeated failures to silenceme through legal means, demonstrates a continuing purpose to suppress the same witness for ten years to hide the evidence of Kushner and Trump s knowledge that covid was a plandemic. If the financial and personal links are proved, the change in tactics from trying to imprison me in courts to trying to freeze me to death outside becomes evidence of adaptation rather than coincidence.

And there is a further question of knowledge. If I had been warning of the use of contaminated vaccines and cytokine storms from 2009 years before studies, statistics confirm these for covid vaccines, and if those warnings repeatedly provoked efforts to suppress me, then we must examine who had the motive to silence me and what I stood to conceal.

My case is therefore not that the 2017 proceeding, by itself, proves that Kushner knew what would occur years later when covid vaccines were given. The case is that the proceeding may form the first link in a chain: early warning, legal suppression, failure of lawfare, changed tactics, escalating violence, and finally an attempt to destroy the witness. If the evidence connects that chain to Kushner , then the change from courtroom to coercion is evidence of a continuing design to silence me

The 2017 defamation proceedings asre circumstantial evidence of foreknowledge and motive.

They are also part economic coercion which forms the second track of persecution

When I am denied justice, denied corrections, and denied the return of my money, compensation, damages, denied the restoration of my reputation, unable towork, unable to get help from the Municpaliaty, I am also subjected to economic coercion which can be exploited to destroy me by exposure, hardship as happened on Thursday again when I nearly died again from sleeping outdoors in the freezing cold with too little clothing, food.

I was recued from certaind eath the next day, night, when it was due to rain by help reaching me from outside and the payment of my hotel and other help on Friday until today.

That is the only reason I am alive today to write this to you and testify to the way Kushner attempted to kill a witness and continues to.

If I get justice, get corrections, get my money back, I would not be easy to pressure economically.

I would never have accepted the offer to stay in the building belonging to the Nikopoulos siblings or slept in a ahall.

Then the payments to the sister from the same Saudi ecosystem as Kushner s Affinity from January 2025 would not be significant to me.

They would have had no power over my situation.

But the lawfare of Kushner and corruption has left me deliberately destitute.

This is thesituation that Kushner can and does exploit to become virtuallya kind of co owner of the building in which I was by a bribe disguised as a research grant to the sister using Saudi money from January 2015a as discussed.

The public records of the transfers from the same Saudi source which filled up the accounts Affinity to the sister from 2025 need to be examined against the chronology. When was each payment made? Who authorized it? Who communicated about it? What was its stated purpose? And, most importantly, what did the persons controlling those funds know about Burgermeister and the alleged campaign against him when the money moved?

Aikaterina as the co owner of the building communicating several times a day with her brother K P Nikopoulos knew the reporter was in the mother s flat, knew why she was there because of the lawfare of Kushner and economic coercion becuause the brother, K P Nikopoulos, told the reporter he had told the sister she was there and that Aikaterina knew when the reporter moved for about five months into Aikaterina s personal flat in the appartment block of 28th Octobriou, Larisa, around the corner, and because the reporter had spoken on the phone to Aikaterina several times to talk about her situation being given the phone to talk to her by KP Nikopoulos.

An innocent person claiming to want to help the reporter precisely because the reporter was exposing Kushner and Trump would not on receipt of the money start a campaign of retaliaiton, concealment and eviction knowing the situation of the reporter.

The sister in the Gulf got the money. The brothers Ioannis and Kannnellos Panagiotis Nikopoulos exerted the pressure and carried out the latest eviction on Thursday to expose me to death knowing my situaiton and able to foresee I would die.

But they did it anyw ayand I allege they did it on the orders of Kushner from his base in Florida where he coordinates the different strands of persecution directly linked through a chain of documents to lawfare to a continuing plan to persecute me for ten years and continuing toda.

The legal significance of the lawfare has an economic dimension.

The legal and financial pressure are made to work hand in hand to destroy me and nearly did when I died from the cold on Thursday night in Larisa having to sleep outside after months of deprivation, stress, due to the refusal to correct.

A warning about vaccines contaminated with the SV Virus and causing cytokine storms does not become true because someone tried to suppress it, any more than a person becomes guilty because someone accuses them.

But when court documents show there was a deliberate campaign to prevent a reporter from presenting evidence to the public, and that Kushner knowingly participated in that campaign. When the lawfare failed and was followed by intimidation, financial pressure, or physical violence, the progression is

evidence of knowledge and of intent

I will prove the warning from 2017, proved the suppression, proved the participants, and proved the participation of Kushner, prove d the payments, and proved the connection between them in my submissions.

XXXX

XXX

The accused, Jared Kushner, is charged in this proceeding with participating in a continuing scheme to suppress the reporting of myself, a journalist who had published a warning concerning information allegedly supplied to her by Russian sources of his role in planning plandemics.

On 15 February 2017, I published the report that forms the subject of this indictment.

I do not ask you to assume that every assertion contained in that report was true. Its relevance is that the report was published, that Kushner became aware of it, and that subsequent legal proceedings were allegedly directed against the reporter because of that publication.

On the following day, Kushner instructed an attorney to characterize the publication as criminal conduct misrepresenting ten posts from early 2016 in which I document the disappearance of the police reports from the file D 15 218 to shield Bill Gates and George Soros, Werner Faymann and Alexis Tsipras from prosecution with the aide also of the prosecutor Aikaternia Papaiannou as evidence I had committed a crime by relaying the warning that Kushner was involved in the secret planning for covid from 2016, in February 2017 and using Russian journalists as a front to obtain information from me on how to use vaccines to kill, also by contaminating them with the SV virus and by causing cytokine storms contained also in an FBI report I wrote in 2009 expressly sought by the Russian journalists.

The first proceeding in 2017 was an attempt to convert a dispute over journalism and Kushner s role in planning plandemics into a criminal accusation.

Kushner and his attorney, Samars, backed up by the perpetratos in D 15 218, Theodekti and Christopoulos, sought to deprive me ofmy liberty on the basis of that characterization precisely targetting my warning about Kushner.

Following the attempted imprisonment, the Appeals state prosecutor opened a file in which the Kushner, Trump

and the attorney themselves became subjects of investigation and with the file number E 17 449 in July 2017.

I am the official party and politiki enagon of that probe into Kushner and Trump and so have the right to be protected from retaliation and revictimization and a repeat of the same crime.

That investigation E 17 449 and is significant not because an investigation proves guilt, but because it placed the conduct of the persons pursuing me under official scrutiny for misusing defamaiton proceedings to silence me.

I am the official party and politiki enagon of that probe into Kushner and Trump and so have the right to be protected from retaliation and revictimization and a repeat of the same crime.

Yet, the documentary record proves that I was subjected to a repeat of that same crime twice.

After the first legal strategy encountered resistance in 2017, I allege Kushner, joined by Trump, Gates, and Soros, caused substantially the same publication to become the subject of two further criminal-defamation proceedings and trials with the numbers E 17 378 and E 17 379 from 2018

The repetition was significant because the publication itself had not changed.

The same ten posts and February 2017 Kushner, plandemic post appear in the trials.

I therefore faced the extraordinary circumstance in which the same underlying reports were placed before different proceedings on the same day producing contradictory outcomes.

In the first proceeding, E 17 378, I was found not guilty. This ruling has the file number 484 2021 as I found out in August 2026 for the innocent verdict was never served to me in violation of my rights

In the second, E 17 379, concerning the same ten reports as in E 17 378, I was found guilty.And the guilty verdicht, 485 2021, was served to me. My appeal failed and I my prison sentence was only suspended in May 2021 despite it being the same posts for which I had been declared innocent.

I ask you to determine whether the contradictory proceedings were deliberately employed as instruments of pressure and whether the favorable judgment was subsequently withheld.

The court confirms in the email I was never given the written copy.

Prosecutor Aikaterina Papaiannou claims there is a rule which states that when a person hears a judgement orally, they need not have a copy.

However, I heard the guilty judgment orally, and I still got the written ruling very soon after the trial in September 2021.

The judgment favorable to me was not made available to me despite my asking for it when I needed it in 2021 to establish the history of the proceedings against me.

The withholding would have had a consequence extending beyond the particular case.

I could be presented publicly as a person convicted of the report while being unable to produce the earlier ruling in which I had been acquitted from defamation against Kushner in 2017 and in E 17 378

Thus, the legal process itself became part of the campaign: first accusation, then prosecution, then repetition, then contradictory judgments, and finally suppression of the judgment favorable to the accused reporter and clearlng me of defamation against Kushner.

These acts formed a continuing design to prevent the reporter from establishing publicly what had happened to me.

The design can be represented chronologically:

15 February 2017 — publication naming Kushner as a figure planning plandemics like covid.

16 February 2017 — first legal attack triggering an investigation into Kushner

November 2017 — my testimony against Kushner as Politiki Enagon

Following period — repeated atempt imprisonment E 17 378 and E 17 379.

20th September 2021 — trials for E 17 378 and E 17 379 held on the same day oneafter the other

First renewed defamation proceedings concerning the same ten reports plus the Kushner, plandemic report — acquittal, 484 2021

Second proceeding concerning the same ten reports — conviction, 484 2021

Withholding of the favorable judgment.

I contend that the significance lies in the sequence rather than in any single proceeding.

The central issue is not as whether defamation law may legitimately be used against a journalist.

It plainly may, where its legal requirements are satisfied.

The issue would instead be whether legal proceedings were knowingly manipulated so that their purpose became the suppression of a witness and the concealment of the fact that the witness had previously prevailed. A courtroom is not rendered an instrument of justice merely because the accused appears before a judge.

The question is what the parties represented to the court, what evidence they supplied, and what they did with the resulting judgments and who they were protecting, what post, what reports.

And the documents show in E 17 378, it was Kushner exposed by my warning in February 2017. This post was the target of suppression in 2017 triggeing the investigation into Kushner and the target of suppression in E 17 378 over which I have now be acquitted.

A journalist's warning may be true or false; a defendant's political position may be powerful or insignificant; neither proposition establishes criminal responsibility. If documents, witnesses, financial records, communications, and court records independently established that a person knowingly used legal proceedings as a first means of suppression and physical force as a later means when the legal strategy failed, then the progression constitutes evidence of a continuing design.

The design continued from 2017 up to now.

The acknowledgment I was innocent in E 17 378 has not been accompanied by any offer at restitution or to cancel the guilty judgment in E 17 379 which has imposed on me a criminal sentence and a criminal record because the lawfare is continuing, the purpose remains the same, to destroy the witness to Kushner s prior knowledge that covid was a scheme and the jabs would kill.

I allege the plan of Kushner is ongoing and he is merely changing tactics having failed and that is why I seek his immediate pretrial detention along with his co conspirators Trump, Gates, Soros, Bourla and other entities identified as a part of their criminal enterprise, including potentially, Dr Anthony Fauci, their foundations and businesses (Affinity)

This case is not proved by the first accusation in 2017. Nor is it proved by the second two defamation trials. Nor is it proved by the fact that one trial led to the conviction and another to an acquittal for the same post.

It is proved, if at all, by what happened between those events.

The predicted contaminated vaccines arrived and killed.

The predicted cytokine storms caused by the vaccines caused heart attacks.

A reporter publishes about Kushner, and plandemic, vaccines with SV virus and causing cytokine storms in 2017.

A legal attack follows immediately.

The attack fails.

The same accusation returns in 2018

The reporter wins one proceeding because I was cleared for the same accusation in 2017 by the Appeals court in E 17 449 and loses another.

And then, according to the evidence before you, the judgment that might have enabled me to demonstrate what had happened is withheld from me until now and now only given in a very limited form.

These facts are proved,

I submit that the law was no longer merely being used to determine a dispute. It was being used to determine which version of the dispute the public would be permitted to see.

That is a grave distinction.

For the power of a legal proceeding lies not only in the possibility of imprisonment. It lies also in the ability to confer the appearance of legitimacy upon an accusation.

The accused may say: There was a judgment against me.

There was also a judgment in favour of me, a judgment showing I was being persecuted using the machinery of the law for my post on Kushner, Trump, Gates etc.

The accused may say: I was convicted.

Then why was the judgment acquitting me withheld?

The accused may say: The courts decided the matter.

The accused may say: The courts decided the matter.

Then let the complete record be seen.

The evidence establishes that the same publication was repeatedly prosecuted, that the proceedings produced contradictory judgments, and that the favorable judgment was deliberately withheld so that the reporter could not demonstrate the history of my persecution, and so then the issue before you is no longer ordinary defamation.

It is whether law itself was converted into an instrument of suppression.

Not rumor.

Not reputation.

Not political allegiance.

The original publication. In 2017 connecting Kushner to toxic covid jabs/

The original judgment.

The second proceeding.

The contradictory verdicts.

The prosecutor's file.

The instructions to counsel.

And the record showing what happened to the judgment that favored the reporter.

If those documents establish the alleged chain, then the prosecution says that the attempt to silence me did not end when one legal proceeding failed.

It changed form.

And the ultimate weapon was not merely imprisonment.

It was the destruction and withholding of the record by which the victim could prove that I had been pursued and subjected to lawfare and who was behind it

THE SAUDI MONEY AND THE NIKOPOULOUS SBLINGS

The campaign against me entered a new phasefrom January 2025.

Before that date, the conspiracy possessed motive, opportunity, and means using lawfare. In January 2025, according to the evidence, it acquired a financial mechanism through which those means were put into operation to control the building where the reporter lived in Larisa, or rather, was forced to take refuge because the lawfare by Kushner in E 17 449, E 17 378 and the withholding of the innocent verdict had made her desitute.

The three co owners were the Nikopoulos siblings. They each owned and still own a third share pending the inheritance transfer as I undertand it.

Money was allegedly transferred to the sister in the Gulf states using Sauudi funds from a source administer by Mohammed bin Salman after the sister, Aikaterina, visited Riyadh in January 2025 resulting in a grant for research (Menagen) and so a mechanism to induce the brothers who were in Larisa and who had day to day control of the building jointed owner pending the settlement of the inheritance who subsequently subjected me to evictions and violence.

I ask you to examine not merely the existence of the payment, but its timing.

The violence against me by the Nikopoulos brothers began only after the January 2025 payments commenced.

As the grants flowed, the apointments came, as Aikterina Nikopoulou became first a professor in Ajman in August 2025, then the head of her own Global research centre in November 2025, the leader of a Menagen reserch aggregator in December 2025 the violece inceased and culminated in my eviction on December 4th 2025 and near death and the eviction from the all on Thursday 24th September 2026 and near death again by the same brothers.

The significance therefore lies in the sequence :

Funding → commencement of violence → further payments → escalation of violence.

This sequence is circumstantial evidence of coordination. It does not, standing alone, establish who ordered the violence. That question must be answered by the accompanying financial, communications, and witness evidence.

The Saudi money through which the relevant funds passed was also headed by the very same person giving Kushnr money from 2021.Jared kushner is meeting point for funds, instructions, intermediaries, or communications concerning the operation against the reporter.

The question is whether the Saudi money, Affinity financial institution formed part of the d mechanism by which the person at the top communicated purpose and supplied resources to persons at the bottom on to get rid of his official witness and a politik enagon of a criminal probe opened into him in 2017.

The location of the financial company is relevant only insofar as the evidence establishes what was done there.

But if the documents establish that the company was deliberately used to transmit resources and instructions for an unlawful operation, then the financial records become evidence of the operation itself.

I therefore follow the money backwards.

From the brothers to the sister.

From the sister to the financial intermediary.

From the intermediary to the account.

From the account to the person who supplied the funds.

And finally to the person alleged to have conceived the purpose for which those funds were supplied.

Kushner may say that he never touched me, he never evicted me, he never took food and shelter from me

That misses the point.

The question is whether he supplied the means by which others acted.

The payments acquire their significance from the surrounding evidence: their dates, their amounts, their recipients, the communications accompanying them, and the acts that allegedly followed.

If those independent strands converge, then January 2025 becomes more than a date on a contract, a research grant ot a bank statement.

It becomes the moment at which an existing intention was converted into an organized campaign.

And that is why the financial evidence matters.

The violence may be hidden behind intermediaries.

The instructions may be hidden behind lawyers.

The perpetrators may be separated from the person alleged to have ordered the operation by several layers of distance.

But money leaves records.

Follow those records.

Determine who supplied the money.

Determine who controlled it.

Determine what happened immediately afterward.

And determine whether the same chain continued as the violence against me in Larisa escalated.

If the evidence establishes that sequence beyond the required legal standard, then the January 2025 payments would form one link in the alleged chain of command—not because the date itself proves the conspiracy, but because the surrounding evidence gives the transaction its meaning.

I do not ask to convict upon coincidence.

It asks to determine whether coincidence remains a plausible explanation after all the documents, witnesses, communications, and financial records have been placed together.

If the answer is no, then the money trail does what money trails have always done in organized crime:

It reveals the structure behind the hands that carried out the acts.

Affinity is financial company becomes the place where the otherwise separated pieces can potentially be connected—funding, intermediary, timing, instructions, and subsequent violence.

THE NIKOPOULOS BROTHERS AND THE BLACK SMART CAR

KEY DOCUMENTS

POSTS PUBLISHED ON MY BLOG

https://vmdlegaleagles.blogspot.com

INCLUDING

https://vmdlegaleagles.blogspot.com/2025/11/was-black-smart-car-mossad-hit-squad.html

https://vmdlegaleagles.blogspot.com/2025/11/smart-car-spotted-again-ran-to.html

AND OTHER POSTS ON MY BLOG INCLUDING A COPY OF MY EMAIL TO KUSHNER ON DECEMBER 3ED 2025 THE DAY BEFORE MY EVICTION

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1qNBm2BgIehQAjjER23fym3nxOVXPlIM6/view?usp=sharing

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1YiO5-kqRrV5zjfEIH-9AhujrevuTcQQX/view?usp=sharing

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1gmk7qIhaog9OxOMOPdNWEUkF6Fj0-r4A/view?usp=sharing

A black Smart car repeatedly followed the reporter through a park, circling and reappearing as I changed direction in November 2025 as I described on my blog

The significance of repetition is that the vehicle did not merely encounter the victim once. It remained with me.

The operation continued. A pursuit through Larissa followed, involving men dressed in black who, according to the prosecution, were coordinating their movements through their mobile phones. Including KP Nikopoulos

Independent evidence: CCTV recordings, telephone-location records, call and message metadata, eyewitness testimony, vehicle-registration records, and contemporaneous police reports as well my own reports on my blog https://vmdlegaleagles.blogspot.com

The issue is therefore not whether a black vehicle was present.

It is whether the evidence establishes that several people were deliberately coordinating their movements around me for the purpose of intercepting hme

Ab attempted abduction does not begin when hands are placed upon the victim.

It begins when men arrange themselves so that the victim cannot escape.

The prosecution alleges that this is what occurred here.

A black Smart Car automobile appears.

It follows.

It circles.

The victim changes direction.

It appears again.

The pursuit continues.

Men move through the streets.

And those men communicate with one another and KP Nikopoulos while they do it.

We ask you to consider the difference between coincidence and coordination.

One encounter may be coincidence.

Repeated pursuit is another matter.

A vehicle appearing repeatedly may be coincidence.

Several men changing position while communicating with one another is a different question.

It asks you to examine my email accounts

If those independent pieces fit together, the Saudi money, the black car is no longer merely a car.

It becomes the instrument of an attempted seizure.

The phones are no longer merely telephones.

They become, if the evidence establishes their use for that purpose, the means by which the participants coordinated their movements.

And the men are no longer merely people who happened to be in the same streets.

They become potential participants in a coordinated operation.

The prosecution's case therefore follows the movement of the victim and the movement of the alleged perpetrators simultaneously.

Where I went.

Where the vehicle went.

Where each phone went.

When each communication occurred.

And what happened immediately afterward.

If the evidence establishes that these movements converged repeatedly upon the same victim several times in November 2025, then we have evidence of coordination.

When th abduction failed, the eviction acame on December 4th 2025 into a freezing , rainy night where the reporter had light clothes, no money and was rescued from hypothermia by a friend paying the hotel bill.

This case must be viewed as a whole. I do not bring before you a collection of unrelated accusations: a defamation proceeding, a financial transaction, a black Smart car, a pursuit through the streets, an imprisonment, and the disappearance of records, an eviction and near death from hypothermia. I allege that these events form a sequence. I spoke; legal proceedings followed; when those proceedings failed to silence me, money and intermediaries appeared; violence followed; and when violence failed, the alleged conspirators turned to concealment.

Begin with the witness himself. My importance to this case lies in what I allegedly knew and reported concerning plandemics the plans attributed to those directing the enterprise. My reporting made me a potential source of evidence.

Why were so many different methods were allegedly employed against me after I continued to speak.

The first instrument, according to the indictment, was law. Defamation proceedings were brought against me, challenging my credibility and seeking to make his reporting itself the subject of punishment. But when the legal strategy failed to achieve its purpose, the machinery of persecution changed. fFinancial inducements were then supplied to an intermediary connected to the men who would subsequently evict me.

Then came the black Smart car automobile. I was repeatedly followed through a park by a vehicle. The pursuit then turned into a coordinated chase through Larissa, involving several men communicating by telephone including K P Nikopoulou who on seeing me approach turned awy. No single sighting proves an abduction attempt. But if vehicle records, telephone records, witnesses, and surveillance evidence independently establish that several people repeatedly coordinated their movements around the same victim, those facts may demonstrate preparation for a deliberate seizure.

The alleged financial evidence is therefore important. The question is not whether money passing through a Saudi research grant is itself criminal. It is whether the records establish that money moved from an identified source to the sister of the men pursuing the reporte, and whether those payments correspond in time with successive acts against me.

And consider what followed when the first attempt failed. The pressure did not cease. I was evicted, deprived of adequate food and warmth, exposed to severe conditions, and eventually left in circumstances in which I nearly died. Yet I survived the freezing night only for the sequence to be repeated because the underlying injsutice and lawfare against me continued depriving me of my right to compensation and money and the ability to pay for my own shelter and food and Kushner was behind that too as I was his official witness and I did transmit to him and Affinity all the documents by email and draw attention to my plight.

SUMMARY

The case begins with a warning.

In 2009 Burgermeister warned that pandemic vaccines like covid would be contaminated with the SV virus and other material and would cause cytokine storms and there was a plan to delibrately release viruses to justify giving the matching pandemic vaccines

In 2017, the reporter warned that Kushner was secretly linked to that plan.

The subsequent events show that Kushner had become aware of that warning and understood its consequences. The central question i therefore whether knowledge of an impending crime was followed by an effort to prevent it—or by an effort to silence reporter who had sounded the alarm.

Ther official prosecutor records show that the effort was made to silence the reporter immediately. When the first attempt at an imprisonment without due process failed, more lawfare and efforts were discredit, intimidate, or suppress the reporter using the same people, same false claims .

The official records prove, through documents, communications, the same accusers, the same witnesses, and other admissible evidence, that the trials E 17 378 and E 17 379 concern the same ten posts plus one and all go back to Kushner, and Bill Gates showing their knowledge of a criminal plan and intentionally participated in acts designed to facilitate it or obstruct its exposure from 2015, 2017.

The official records establish that Kushner and Trump knew of a plan for mass murder, understood its consequences, and deliberately acted together to silence the warning so that the crime could proceed, then their responsibility would arise from those proven acts.

Trump has been informed.

He has joined in the persecution.

The US ambassador to Greece, Kimberly Guilfoyle, has been informed by emails of the criminal probe into Trump and Kushner and she has suppressed the probe.

Date Event

2017 February Burgermeister issues her, my, first warnings concerning Kushner s involvement in a plan to use viruses to scare people and give Americans vaccines contaminated with the SV virus and causing cytokine storms

The warning exists and predates later events

2017 The warning circulates among relevant individuals who use the same lawyer , Simos Samaras, and the same persons identified as tools of Bill Gates in D 15 218 to file false charges to have the reporter imprisoned without process

2017 May Reporter became aware of the crime and was able to press charges against Trump and Kushner as a politiki enagon

2017 July Appeals prosecutors in Larisa open an investigation into Kushner and Trump with the file number E 17 449

2017 November, reporter testifies on the crimes of Kushner mentioning the Russian reporters allegations about his visa and the FBI

2018 Efforts to challenge my credibility or suppress my reporting

Defamation proceedings launched by the same lawyer and same persons in D 15 218 for the same ten posts twice E 17 378 and E 17 379 and turn into trial with dates and on the same day

The only difference between the two trials is that E 17 378 includes the February 2017 Kushner, Russia, covid vaccine, FBI blog posts

2021 September The reporter is declared innocent in E 17 378 after I draw the court s attention to the criminal probe against Kushner, Samaras and Trump opened in 2017 for the same ten plus one

The reporter is declared guilty in E 17 379 for the same ten posts .

The reporter is not served the written ruling of innocent and Larisa court has admitted in an email from 23rd September 2026 that I was declared innocent in that trial and the written decision was not served.

The reason given is inconsistent with the fact I was served the guilty decision although I was present, indeed, I represented myself as my own lawyer, at the trial E 17 379 as well as in trial E 17 378.

So, if hearing the verdict orally is enough to not require written service, then I should not have received the guilty verdict in a written form for I had heard that verdict orally on 20th September 2021 immediately after, just an hour or so of being given the innocent verdict by the same judges led by Ziounas

January 2025 The Saudi financial relationship involving the sister allegedly begins Grant money flows from Wrth, whose trustee includes MbSalman

2025–2026 The intimidation, surveillance, eviction and other acts against the reporter occur Witnesses, photographs, digital records, police reports Escalation is documented in real time

2025 December 4th, reporter evicted and possessions seized

KP altered or removed relevant records Digital evidence, socil media to break the link to Kushner Possible consciousness-of-guilt evidence,

February 2026 Burgermeister sends more material on the Greek investigative material to U.S. authorities about Kushner s prior knowledge covid vaccines were going to cause mass deaths and sickness

March 2026 The alleged Kimberly Guilfoyle remark occurs at the Athens dinner in whic Guilfoyle boasts Trump, Kushner, the US gov, can overthrow the Greek government

August 2026 Burgermeister warns Senators that Todd Blanche is a tool of the wider conspiracy covering up covid and Kushner and Trump s role in it

2026 John and Kp Nikopoulos ring the reporter and tell her she must leave the hall

2026 September 23 Larisa court gives the reporter an email with a confirmation I was declared innocent in E 17 378 with the post directly implicating Kushner

Reporter emails Kushner and the Nikopoulos siblings to cease and desist

Asks Kushner, Gates to use their influence to correct justice and restore my rights and money and capacity to pay for my own shelter and money

2026 September 24 John and KP Nikopoulos as the co owners of the building with the hallway change the lock at midday to evict the reporter

Midday September 24, the homeless social services refuse the reporter a place in the sheler because I do not have all the papers including a family status certificate and tax papers which Greek residents and citizens have but the reporter does not because she is only in Greece because of the corruption of due process, has no income in Greece

In the evening, KP N refuses to answer the phone when the reporter tries to get some clothes. John Nikopoulos organizes for the school secretary to allow the reporter to collect a jacket and a pullover from the hall for the night outdoor.

Reporter nearly dies of months of undernourishment and hardhsip from exposure sleeping outside on a bench beside the Church of St Achilles as temperatures drop to about 11 degrees but survives, goes to the Old Calendar, Authentic Orthodox church monastery in Larisa, and rests in the court yard

2026 September 25 Midday A member of a German association Mutarzte rings the reporter and pays for her night in the Hotel Metropol and the reporter survives

Without this intervention, the reporter is sure she would have died.

September 26, reporter receives more help from Prof Aris Christidis ad his his wife, who pay for two more nights in a hotel and invite her to stay at their flat in Thessaloniki, at the Plateia Nauvarinou 7, 54622 Thessaloniki

Καθ/τής Δρ. Άρης Χρηστίδης (συν/χος)

Πλατεία Ναυαρίνου 7

GR-54622 Θεσσαλονίκη

Τηλ.: +30-2310-268 741

Κιν.: +30-694 4748 469

The crucial Jackson-style technique would be accumulation without overclaiming. He would not say, “Event A proves Event B.” Instead: Event A establishes notice; Event B establishes subsequent conduct; Event C establishes a financial relationship; Event D establishes communication with authorities. The prosecution then argues that the combined chronology supports its theory.

He could also divide the evidence into five headings:

The Warning — What said and when he said it.

The Knowledge — Who allegedly received or learned of the warning.

The Money — What financial transactions occurred, when, between whom, and for what documented purpose.

The Suppression — What concrete actions allegedly followed the reporting.

The Aftermath — What happened once Jäger transmitted the material to investigators.

One important distinction should remain throughout the fictional case: removing social-media material, filing a defamation case, receiving money, or knowing a reporter does not by itself establish criminal consciousness of guilt or conspiracy.

The Saudi, Mohammed bin Salam money to Affinity from january 2021 and to-sister from January 2025 is one evidentiary strand.

Public records establish the Saudi funding of the research and career of Aikaterina (Katerina Nikopoulou) from January 2025 through Wrth, Menagen.

Public records establish MbS sat on the boad of the funds which gave to both Affinity and the sister.

Put the payments precisely on the chronology and we see they preceded the violence, evictions of the brothers in Larisa.

Public records show Kushner and MbS are very close and Kushner knew about the reporter, the criminal probe E 17 449 in which she was a witness, and we can infer he knew about the purpose for which the money would be used.

The temporal connection, the effort to conceal the connection proves that the financial transaction was intentionally connected to the alleged effort to silence the reporter, rather than being an ordinary investment, gift, business transaction, or unrelated payment.

Innocent people do not remove their social media when they are caught.

But K P Nikopoulos did remove his social media when he was caught to conceal his connection with Kushner.

He attempted to conceal his concealment of his social media by sending the reporter a link to his FB site which did not open.

The five page summary defending his actions is also striking for its omissions. There is no signature, no date to link him to the five pages and no mention of the fact that the entire relationship between KP Nikopoulos and the reporter was solely the acts of retaliaiton against her as a reporter by Trump and Kushner.

Innocent people when asked to explain a sudden change, sinister behaviour and a theft and take five pages to do so would mention

the fact the reporter was only in the mother s flat as an "economic" refugee from the lawfare from Kushner and Trump made destitute and unable to afford her own shelter and food.

But this central fact is nowhere in the five page summary.

The social media which would have betrayed this relationship and fact was removed by KP Nikopoulos after the reporter identified him publicly as a tool of Kushner.

His denial is a series of claims but the facts themselves are barely addressed.

The public records of the transfers from the same Saudi source which filled up the accounts Affinity to the sister from 2025 need to be examined against the chronology. When was each payment made? Who authorized it? Who communicated about it? What was its stated purpose? And, most importantly, what did the persons controlling those funds know about Burgermeister and the alleged campaign against him when the money moved?

Aikaterina as the co owner of the building communicating several times a day with her brother K P Nikopoulos knew the reporter was in the mother s flat, knew why she was there because of the lawfare of Kushner and economic coercion becuause the brother, K P Nikopoulos, told the reporter he had told the sister she was there and that Aikaterina knew when the reporter moved for about five months into Aikaterina s personal flat in the appartment block of 28th Octobriou, Larisa, around the corner, and because the reporter had spoken on the phone to Aikaterina several times to talk about her situation being given the phone to talk to her by KP Nikopoulos.

An innocent person claiming to want to help the reporter precisely because the reporter was exposing Kushner and Trump would not on receipt of the money start a campaign of retaliaiton, concealment and eviction knowing the situation of the reporter.

If the evidence establishes merely that money passed from one person to another, then it establishes precisely that and no more. But if the records, communications, timing, and testimony establish that the payments were deliberately arranged to support the alleged effort to intimidate or silence Burgermeister, then the financial transactions become evidence of coordination.

Follow the money, therefore—but follow it all the way. Follow it from its source, through its intermediaries, to its recipient; follow the instructions accompanying it; follow the communications surrounding it; and follow what happened immediately afterward. If those independent strands converge upon a deliberate agreement to suppress the reporter and facilitate the alleged crime, the significance lies in their convergence.

THE DELETION OF THE FB, SOCIAL MEDIA ACCOUNT OF KP NIKOPOULOS

The deletion of the brothers' social-media evidence significant not as automatic “consciousness of guilt,” but as circumstantial evidence of concealment, particularly because the deletions occurred immediately after the failed abduction and can be independently reconstructed.

References associating me with Kushner and KP Nickopoulos disappeared from his social-media accounts. Posts on FB which had once established their relationship were, systematically concealed.

Orwell and Plato, two figures I refer to, were the pictures on KP N s FB site, which he showed me to assure me he followed my reports and was my supporter.

I do not contend that deletion of a social-media post is, by itself, proof of guilt. There may be innocent explanations for deletion. But where deletion occurs immediately after an alleged criminal act, and where the material removed is precisely the material connecting the perpetrators to the intended victim and to Kushner, the timing and content of the deletions become matters to examine.

The question is therefore not simply, "Why did he delete his posts and FBs?"

It is:

What did those posts prove, and why did they disappear when I survived?

They proved his knowledge of my reporting and of the crimes of Kushner in E 17 449

KP N aimed to create the appearance that I was still alive and acting normally while concealing what had actually happened tome .

Persons who had previously presented themselves as my friends allegedly aimed to continue to appear in that role while simultaneously concealing their involvement in the attack.

This served two purposes: first, to conceal the fate of the real me, and second, to prevent investigators from immediately recognizing that the persons closest to me had themselves become subjects of suspicion.

The theft of a bleue pullover was part of a plan creation of a false appearance of continued normality as part of an alleged cover-up

There is a peculiar significance in what happens after a crime fails.

When the victim disappears, the conspirator may hope that the witness disappears with him.

But when the victim survives, the conspirator has another problem:

the witness can speak.

And so, KP NI who had once openly associated himself me suddenly ceased to do so.

The social media references vanished.

The connections disappeared.

The public record was altered.

The alleged friends became strangers.

And the very relationship that might explain why KP N had approached me in 2015 was made to disappear from view.

We do not ask you to treat every deleted photograph as a confession.

We ask you to examine the whole sequence.

First, the alleged attempt to seize me.

Then my survival.

Then the removal of evidence connecting the KP N to me and Kushner

The theft of the clothes and lap as part of a plan for creation of a false appearance that I remained alive and that those surrounding him remained merely his friends.

That sequence, if proved, is not evidence of guilt because deletion is inherently criminal.

It is evidence because conduct after an alleged crime may reveal an attempt to conceal the relationship between the actors and the victim.

And the more precisely the erased material corresponds to the very connection under investigation, the more important the circumstances surrounding its disappearance become.

Before the attempt, KP N knew me.

During the attempt, he sought to control him.

After the attempt failed, He erased the evidence that they knew me and of my reports and the criminal probe with Kushner.

The eviction followed.

The eviction followed on December 4^th 2025 immediately after I emailed Kushner at his Affinity address and asked him to cease and desist.

The pattern was repeated in September 2026. The day after I emailed Kushner to cease and desist including theNikopoulos siblings, the escalation intensified and I was evicted.

And thereafter, he attempted to assume the role of my friend in order to make the disappearance of the real relationship—and ultimately the real victim—harder to detect.

That is the alleged cover-up.

Not one act, but a sequence:

association, attack, survival, erasure, impersonation, concealment.

If the evidence establishes that sequence, we should consider whether the post-attack conduct was intended to obstruct discovery of the original crime.

And here the financial evidence, the defamation proceedings, and the social-media evidence converge.

The financial records may show who supplied the means.

The legal proceedings may show who attempted to suppress me through formal institutions.

The deleted records are not the conclusion.

They are the question.

Who ordered their removal?

What did they contain?

When were they removed?

Who benefited from their disappearance?

And most importantly:

What happened to me as those records vanished linking KP Nikopoulos to knowledge of the Kushner and Trump crimes?

If those questions can be answered independently through archived copies, witnesses, platform records, financial documents, and communications, then the alleged concealment becomes part of the evidentiary chain.

Now consider the chain of responsibility. At one end stands the victim. Around me are the people who followed me, pursued me, and attempted to conceal their relationship with me and Kushner. Behind them are the intermediaries and financial channels. Beyond those are the alleged instructions and sources of authority. If the documents, communications, financial records, testimony, and physical evidence converge, then the distance between the person alleged to have directed the operation and the person who physically confronted me does not by itself break the chain.

My case is not that every suspicious circumstance proves guilt. It is that the circumstances must be examined together. A warning. A legal attack. Its failure. A payment. A pursuit. An attempted seizure. Imprisonment. Exposure. Survival. Erasure of evidence. Further legal proceedings. And an alleged effort to manufacture a false appearance concerning the victim's identity and continued existence

What initially appears to be a series of separate incidents may instead constitute one continuing enterprise directed at silencing a witness. We must therefore follow the evidence wherever it leads: from the words I published about Kushner in 2017, to the proceedings brought against me for those words, to the money that allegedly financed the pressure, to brothers who carried it out, and ultimately to whoever knowingly conceived, authorized, or sustained the enterprise.

In the chronology, the 2026 innocent declaration of innocence could be made significant because it retrospectively connects a dispute that began in 2017 with the later persecution of the reprter

The importance of the 2026 notification of the 2021 judgment lies not merely in the fact that I was declared innocent. Its importance is that the judgment closes a circle which began ten earlier. In 2017, the proceedings were initiated over the very words in which I connected Kushner to the alleged covid vaccine mass killin gplan plan. Thus, Kushners interest in me did not begin after the later contaminated SV vaccine material and other atrocities became known. The legal controversy began when I first made the allegation.

I asks you to look at the chronology. In 2017, I published the allegation. Proceedings follow. Years later, according to the fictional indictment, the pressure against him continues through further legal attacks and ultimately through physical coercion. In 2026, Larisa court transmits via email the innocent ruling . The significance is not that the final judgment proves everything that occurred during the intervening years. It is that the original accusation and the ultimate judicial finding can be placed beside the intervening history. We can then ask whether the same allegation remained the subject of repeated attempts to silence the same reporter.

The persecution continued.

The impoverishment of the reporter continued simultaneously.

The legal coercion was matched by economic coercion.

The cost of paying the lawyers, the fees, the translations had to be born by me as well as all the living costs of staying in Larisa.

That is particularly important concerning the question of knowledge.

If the documentary record establishes that Kushner, Trump or persons acting on his behalf became concerned with me in 2017 because of my statements about covid vaccines contaminatd with SV, gof resarch, then the 2017 proceeding is evidence that the subject matter of my reporting had already attracted attention at that time. What Kushner actually knew, and what he intended, must then be established through the documents, communications, witnesses, and conduct surrounding the proceeding.

The 2026 notification of innocence declaration consequently has a second significance. It potentially transforms what might otherwise appear to be an accusation made by a troublesome reporter into a dispute that survived judicial examination. If the court considered the underlying words and ultimately found me innocent, then the prosecution can ask why the allegation had been pursued for so many years and why, after earlier legal attacks failed, whether the methods of dealing with the reporter changed.

The 2017 proceedings are one documentary starting point, the subsequent proceedings E 17 378 and E 17 379 and alleged attacks would constitute later links, and the 2026 notification of the innocent judgment would be an important endpoint against which the earlier allegations could be tested.

If my words in 2017 were the reason he first became the object of legal attack, and if those same words remained at the centre of proceedings years later, then the prosecution can argue that the identity of the alleged target never changed. The methods changed; the objective did not. The courtroom replaced the street; accusation replaced force; force replaced accusation again. But throughout the chronology, the object remained the reporter who had connected the Kushner with the plandemic allegation in 2017.

An acquittal or declaration of innocence does not by itself prove that every allegation made by

The significance of the innocent declaration notification delivered in September 2026 is that it closes a chain which began in 2017 when I was first prosecuted over the very words connecting the defendant to the Wuhan gof covid research, covid vaccine, SV contamination, cytokine torm plan: the allegation was made, legal proceedings followed, those proceedings failed to silence the reporter, and years later the same subject remained at the centre of renewed attacks and alleged physical persecution.

The finding of innocence does not by itself prove that every allegation made by myself true, nor does it establish that Kushner personally directed every act; but if the documentary record shows that the same reporter, the same allegation, and the same alleged target remained connected throughout those years, then the judgment becomes an important piece of the chronology. It allows us to ask whether the changing methods—litigation, financial pressure, intimidation, and alleged violence—were separate events or successive instruments employed against the same witness. The case is therefore not that the final judgment proves the conspiracy; it is that the judgment, when placed beside the proceedings beginning in 2017 and the events that followed, may help establish whether there was a continuing effort to silence me because of what he had reported.

Kushner presented himself to the public as a servant of the people while secretly having knowledge that the very enterprise was a means of mass killing . The significance of the criminal probe from 2017 is the contradiction between his public position and his concealed private interest.

And there is a deeper question, Members of the Tribunal. If a man speaks publicly as the servant of the people while privately profiting from an enterprise whose product is being used in crimes against those same people, then the contrast between the public image and the private ledger becomes evidence worth examining. The deception would not consist merely in what the defendant said; it would consist in what he allegedly concealed while saying it.

The allegation here is that Kushner, Gates and Trump sought to make the machinery of killing financially productive—to conceal a private interest, obtain a share in the enterprise, and profit from transactions connected with the poison used to murder its victims. If proved, the economic motive would not replace the genocidal purpose; it would reveal an additional purpose operating alongside it.

The Epstein files on financial aspect of pandemics w give the crime its most disturbing economic dimension. The victims were not merely killed; their destruction was turned into an enterprise from which the billionaires expected a return. The covid vaccines was purchased by governments, the victims were delivered, the machinery operated, and money allegedly flowed in the opposite direction to the billionaires, to Pfizer, to Bourla, to Gates who sold his BioBtech stock at top dollar. Kushner s wealth increased significantly. If the evidence proves that knowingly sought financial gain from the killing of human beings, then the prosecution would describe the enterprise not only as a campaign of extermination, but as a calculated business of murder: death converted into revenue, victims converted into an economic resource, and public authority allegedly converted into a means of private enrichment with Affinity serving as a vehicle for that enrichment from January 2021.

THE CONSPIRACY RUN FROM FLORIDA BY KUSHNER

The persecution of myself was not undertaken merely to punish a troublesome reporter. Itsd purpose was to prevent me from exposing information which, if publicly established, would threaten the continuation of the enterprise itself.

The evidence establishes that the accused knowingly employed legal proceedings to suppress a reporter and knowingly financed or directed intermediaries who used physical violence when legal proceedings failed, then the crime lies not in the reporter's warning but in the alleged attempt to prevent mefrom making it.

Kushner, understood that the survival of the witness presented a continuing danger to the alleged enterprise.

The alleged campaign therefore proceeded by successive means: first legal attack, then financial inducement of intermediaries, then attempted seizure, imprisonment, deprivation, and finally an attempt upon the witness's life.

The violence against me was not conceived as an isolated private assault but as an operation employing a hierarchy of intermediaries.

At the upper level stood the person alleged to possess the purpose and authority to suppress the information.

Beneath him were persons responsible for arranging payments and communications.

Beneath them were intermediaries who received the money and passed its benefits onward.

At the lowest level were those who confronted the victim directly.

The significance of this structure is that the person who ordered or financed an act need not personally perform the physical act.

But he is the person who must bear the criminal responsibility

The ultimate object of the conspiracy was larger than the destruction of one witness.

I was dangerous because my disclosures threatened to expose a method of mass killing before that method could again be placed into operation.

Kushner sought to preserve the personnel, organizations, facilities, and authority necessary to reproduce the alleged killing system under another name or in another place.

Fauci, Gates, Bourla were all involved.

gates supplied the funds to turn WHO Into the global organizational machinery, while Gates and Kushner relied upon persons such as Faucin to translate the alleged policy into practical arrangements.

The question is therefore not simply: Who tried to put me in prison without due process in 2017?

It is: Why was I attacked, who required my silence, and what was intended to continue once my voice had been removed?

The key point is the connection with the plandemic and Kushner and Trump.

This was the publication which triggered the attack.

It was my warning of their secret role in plandemics in 2017 whicht triggered the attack

The lawfare continued

The same post was targetted.

I alleges that I became the obstacle because I survived.

The first legal attack did not silence me.

The financial operation did not silence him.

The attempted abduction did not silence me.

Imprisonment did not silence me.

Hunger and exposure did not silence me.

Even after nearly dying in the freezing night, I reached assistance and warned the authorities.

Thus, every failed attempt increased rather than diminished the importance of the witness.

The alleged conspirators therefore faced a choice: abandon the enterprise, or remove the witness.

Their actions show that they chose the latter.

The history of this case is written in the changing instruments employed against one man.

When words could be answered with argument, they answered them with accusation. When accusation failed, money was employed. When money had done its work, men were employed. When men failed to seize me, eviction followed. When eviction, deprivation and exposure failed to kill me, another eviction followed . And when the witness still lived, the alleged enterprise reached for my life.

But we must look beyond the victim to the purpose.

Why was a little rporter so dangerous?

Because I could speak.

And what could I speak about?

I could speak about an alleged plan to employ toxic jabs nd engineered virus against human beings and about those whom he believed possessed knowledge of that plan.

If the evidence establishes that the accused knew of such a plan and sought to suppress the witness because he threatened to expose it, then the attempted destruction of me becomes evidence of something larger than personal hostility.

It becomes evidence of an alleged effort to preserve the machinery by which the crime could be repeated.

The Hantavirus appears to be another plandemic.

Ebola outbreaks now in the DRC are also a part of the plandemic machinery.

The mRNA vaccines are still being given to millions of Americans under false and deceptive marketing.

I am its threatened witness.

My survival threatened to expose the plandemic machinery.

My testimony threatened to identify the people behind it.

My publications threatened to tell the public what that machinery was allegedly intended to accomplish.

And therefore, effort to silence me was itself part of the effort to preserve the alleged enterprise.

For the gravest danger is not merely that one witness should disappear.

It is that, when the witness disappears, the machinery he was trying to expose remains—and may be used again.

The Saudi money and the defamation proceedings complementary pieces of the alleged plan: the legal proceedings supplied the appearance of legitimacy, while the financial channel supplied the means for pressure outside the courtroom.

TThe significance of the Saudi money company is not that it also supplied Kushner in.

The funds appeared there, moved from there to the sister, and were followed by renewed pressure on me already pressured by the lawfare.

The financial records therefore become important not because they carry a mysterious label, but because their dates, recipients, instructions, and subsequent events may establish whether money was being supplied for a particular purpose.

Now place those financial records beside the defamation proceedings. I was first confronted through the law: accusations were brought against me, my reporting was attacked, and the proceedings were used to challenge my credibility, imprison me and drain me of money. When that method failed, the financial channel appears; thereafter came pressure and physical persecution, evictions, extreme exposure and a possible Gaza style starvation order.

The documents establish that the same people were communicating across these supposedly separate spheres—lawyers in one place, financiers in another, intermediaries somewhere else, and the people pursuing me in Larisa at the end of the chain—then the proceedings cease to look like unrelated disputes. They become evidence there was a coordinated design. The issue is not that losing a defamation case proves persecution. It is whether the litigation, the payments, and the subsequent acts were deliberately connected.

A legal proceeding can have the appearance of an ordinary dispute. A bank transfer can have the appearance of an ordinary transaction. An intermediary can have the appearance of acting independently. But if the evidence shows that the same objective connected them—that the legal attack was intended to silence me , that the financial mechanism supplied resources when the legal attack failed, and that those resources were followed by acts of coercion—then the separate events acquire a common meaning. The prosecution must prove each link; it cannot manufacture the missing ones. But if the links are proved, then the Saudi money records are not a footnote to the case. They are part of the evidence of how the final phase of operation which nearly resulted in my murder on Thursday night was financed, while the defamation cases are evidence of how it was presented as lawful when it was completely corrupt.

The innocent and guilty verdicts for the same ten posts show the corruption of due process.

The conspiracy, in that event, operated through two instruments at once: law to discredit the witness, and money to pressure me when law did not silence me.

SUMMARY

The significance of the probe opened against Kushner in 2017 is not founded upon his name, his wealth, or his associations. It rests upon the official records that he knew of Burgermeister s warnings concerning the planned use of covid vaccine contaminated with the SV virus and, having acquired that knowledge, became involved in a scheme designed to give those very vaccines to the American public and prevent the warning from reaching those who might stop the alleged crime. We can establish that knowledge through contemporaneous documents, communications, testimony, and other admissible evidence with inference piled upon inference.

The financial evidence is then offered as part of that chronology. The prosecution alleges that money connected with Affinity ultimately reached the sister who was a co owner of the building where the reporter was as one of the three children involved in an inheritance dispite at a critical period in January 2025 and contends that the timing and surrounding communications demonstrate that the funds were connected to the campaign against the reporter.

Through the money, Kushner seems to have acquired direct influence over the reporter s day to day life and tools closest to reporter to aide his suppression effort.

The evidence shows three trailsoperating simultaneously: the warning, the knowledge, and the money. If the evidence demonstrates that Kushner received the warning, understood the consequences, knowingly participated in the effort to silence its source, and deliberately used financial relationships to advance that effort, then those acts would constitute the basis of criminal responsibility.

We are not dealing merely with a collection of individuals, but a structure. Kushner and Mohammed bin Salman represents the financial and corporate channel; Trump the political center of influence; and Guilfoyle the diplomatic instrument through which that influence reaches beyond the ordinary machinery of government. The prosecution would describe the arrangement as resembling an organized criminal enterprise—not because these people are entitled to be called a "mafia," but because the alleged structure operates through loyalty, money, access, intimidation, and protection rather than through transparent institutions.

A state is captured, when the machinery created to restrain power and crimes becomes an instrument for protecting it. The question is therefore not simply who gave an order, but who could move money, who could open doors, who could exert political pressure, who could suppress damaging information, and who could protect those in the courts of Greece carrying out the work and the cover ups, the lawfare.

The evidence establishess that these functions were deliberately coordinated, and the distinction between private power and public authority had become dangerously blurred.

The records of the trials and the verdicts prove the connections between the people, the acts, the money, and the alleged common purpose to launch covid. These records give the metaphor of a "captured state" legal significance: not as a slogan, but as a description of a demonstrable system in which public power was turned toward protecting a private criminal enterprise.

Kushner did not need to silence the reporter with his own hands. The mechanism of state capture was more subtle: to place private power behind public institutions, so that the machinery of government could be made to bear upon the reporter who had exposed Kushner s role in the alleged crime from 2017. Lawsuits, political connections, financial relationships, diplomatic influence, and access to officials become the instruments through which the reporter was isolated and discredited.

That, the prosecution would argue, is the significance of state capture. The alleged offense is not merely that one powerful man opposed a reporter. It is that private influence was supposedly converted into institutional pressure, creating the appearance that independent governmental and legal processes were acting normally while, behind them, a coordinated campaign was operating against the reporter. The essential evidence would therefore be the communications, instructions, financial records, and documented relationships demonstrating whether such coordination actually existed.

The lawfare against the reporter in Greece representss something more serious than personal retaliation: the conversion of public power into a shield for private interests.

Kushner and Trump did not merely seek to silence an inconvenient reporter, but allegedly sought to protect a source of private profit derived from the covid vaccine enterprise itself. If the evidence established that they knowingly possessed financial interests connected to the alleged killings, understood the lethal purpose of the enterprise, and then used political or institutional influence in Greece to suppress the reporters warnings, we must characterize that conduct as the conversion of public power into protection for private gai

The Saudi funding is a possible connection between Kushner s financial interests and the campaign against the reporter in Larisa . The mere fact that 2 billion dollars was poured into an investment firm created by Kushner the day after he left office having help negotiate many of the covid mask and the Pfizer covid vaccines for the USA intervening directly with Bourla to get more, or that individuals were politically connected, would not establish participation in murder or conspiracy.

Seen together with fact that Saudi money was poured into research grants from January 2025 for Aikaterina Nikopoulou who seems to still be the co owner of the school building where the reporter had sought refuge after being economically crushed by lawfare linked to Kushner and his prior knowledge and her two brothers then began a campaign of brutal eviction which nearly resulted in the death of the reporter severl times from exposure and again on Thursday, 24th September 2026, when the locks were chnaged by the two brothers (two must agree for the locks to be changed and it seems all three did) leaving the reporter again to nearly die in the freezing night from exposure after being refused entry to the shelter for lack of the proper papers, it looks more like the Saudi money is a part of a conspiracy.

Can we reduce the case to one question: did Kushner, Trump, Gates Bourla, knowingly place the machinery of power between the reporter and the truth because they stood to profit from the alleged crime? The financial evidence shows that the actors all made profits during covid and so allows us to suggest profit was not incidental to the alleged crime but part of its motive and structure

To sum up , the evidnce against Kushner is that he knowingly placed private power behind public institutions to protect an alleged criminal enterprise: that he knew of the reporters, of my warnings concerning the planned use of covid vaccine contaminated with the SV virus, stood to benefit financially and politically from that enterprise as Trump s covid czar, and then participated in efforts to suppress the reporter who sought to expose it. Each link is proven independently—Kushner's knowledge, the financial interest as covid czar helping to negotiate the covid vaccine contracts with Pfizer , the records connecting him to the legal suppression effort lasting until today, and the existence of the underlying criminal scheme in relation to covid vaccines.

This was not merely retaliation against a reporter but an alleged coordinated use of power to protect profit from mass killing.

Thank you for your attention,

Regards

Jane Burgermeister

Larisa

NOTIFICATION OF NEW TEMPROARY ADDRESS

From Monday evening, 28th September 2026,

I am temporarily staying at the home of

Prof Aris Christidis and his wife, Andrea,

at the Plateia Nauvarinou 7, 54622 Thessaloniki

Καθ/τής Δρ. Άρης Χρηστίδης (συν/χος)

Πλατεία Ναυαρίνου 7

GR-54622 Θεσσαλονίκη

Τηλ.: +30-2310-268 741

Κιν.: +30-694 4748 469

pending resolution of my case and the restoration of my rights, corrections of the violations and the return of money, compensation and damages as a politik enagon in D 15 218 and E 17 449 as the law requires.

My signature is required on the final document winding up my civil party claims.

The address is