Thursday, 8 October 2026

RED ALERT! RAND PAUL SHOWS FAUCI KNEW THE TRIALS OF EBOLA VACCINE NOW LICENSED IN THE USA WAS FATALLY FLAWED CORROBORATING MY WARNINGS

 RAND PAUL SHOWS IN 2015 FAUCI KNEW THE RESULTS OF THE EBOLA CA SUFFIT TRIAL PUBLISHED IN THE LANCET IN JULY 2015 WERE WORTHLSS

YET THIS WORTHLESS, DANGEROUS JAB WHICH MAY GIVE PEOPLE EBOLA ACCORDING TO THE THE LANCET JULY REPORT GOT A LICENSE IN THE USA, EU IN 2019!!!

Fauci privately wrote of “multiple flaws in the design and the analysis of the data” supporting the Ebola vaccine candidate and a “terribly flawed study design.” corroborating my 2015 warnings and showing why the crimes were committed againt me in 2015 as captured in D 15 218 were committed. 

For concealment.

https://www.bizpacreview.com/2026/10/07/fauci-wanted-trump-impeached-over-border-wall-misled-public-about-ebola-vaccine-diary-entries-reveal-1662252/


The newly released records from 2015 show that Fauci  concealed the very dangerous ebola experiments, misrepresented the very same evidence for an Ebola vaccine, that I warned about  and that his close associate, Bill Gates, together with Geoge Soros, the mega donor of the Democrat party, joined togethr to persecut the reporter when I warned that the public was being deceived. The newly released Fauci records are important because they show that Fauci privately understood dangers that he publicly denied. The reporter, I, was therefore dangerous to the conspiracy not becauseI  possessed power, but because I possessed evidence, documents, links, research, sources.

Fauci s logs questioning 2015 Ebola vaccine trial designs are  definitive proof of a deliberate cover-up and systemic deception. 

The 2015 Ebola trial limitations  are evidence of a pattern of behavior, showing that Fauci and public health officials have a history of deploying "flawed" or dangerous research methodologies to push their agendas.

Fauci also recommended the covid vaccine in 2021 while privately knowing there was evidence that it caused severe adverse reactions like "cytokine storms" in deliberate act of harm, prioritizing the financial interests of pharmaceutical companies and global control over human lives.

In 2015, the Fauci used the strategy he would later use during covid —publicly presenting promising vaccine results while privately recognizing limitations in the trial evidence, and again treating the warnings of reporters like myself as a conspiracy theory, threat. 

A questionable trial design is not itself proof of a dangerous vaccine; the criminal allegation arises because Fauci, Gates knowingly concealed material limitations and deliberately used official authority to suppress those who exposed them.

By 2026, the pattern has become unmistakable: whenever the evidence threatens the criminal enterprise, the response was concealment, discrediting, and suppression rather than independent investigation. The dates and circumstances changed, but the purpose remained constant—to preserve the public fiction of safety, prevent the reporter from being heard, and escape accountability.

The significance of these newly released Fauci records is that they transform the reporter's warnings, my warnings from 2015, from a conspiracy theory and the accusations of a persecuted reporter into claims corroborated by the private records of the very man who publicly denied them.

 Fauci's 2015 notes acknowledge in private the dangerous ebola experiments, the defects in the ebola vaccine trial design and evidence, and the alarming experimental results while he nevertheless maintained publicly that the disease was natural and the vaccine safe, then the subsequent persecution of the reporter, of me, for saying the very same things, acquires an entirely different meaning. 

It is clear that I, the reporter, was not subjected to an attempt at imprisonment without due process for these reports in D 15 218 because my warnings were false, but because they threatened to expose what Fauci already knew.

The removal of the prosecutor files, suppressed investigation into Gates, Soros in D 15 218,  the probe E 17 449 capturing Trump and Kushner, the two criminal defamation trials for substantially the same ten posts and the contradictory and inconsistent rulings, and continuing efforts to silence me consequently become evidence of a deliberate effort to prevent that knowledge from reaching the public as the same enterprise is repeated again and again. The case against Fauci would therefore rest not upon a single allegation but upon the convergence of contemporaneous records and conduct: the repoirter who warned was treated as the criminal, while the private records of the man who condemned the warnings establish that the warning was substantially true.

A license was given to Merck’s Ebola vaccine in Europe on November 11 2019 despite the fundamentally flawed trial design

https://www.ema.europa.eu/en/medicines/human/EPAR/ervebo

and in the USA

https://investors.merck.com/news/press-release-details/2019/Merck-Announces-FDA-Approval-for-ERVEBO-Ebola-Zaire-Vaccine-Live/default.aspx

The license has been given under emergency use provision.

https://www.who.int/immunization/sage/meetings/2018/october/2_Ebola_SAGE2018Oct_BgDoc_20180919.pdf

Vaccines licensed under special rules such as the animal rule (US),  exceptional circumstances (EU), or other provisions for licensure for deployment in emergencies do not have to be proven to be safe or effective before being given to people.

The rVSVΔG-ZEBOV-GP candidate vaccine, a prime/boost candidate vaccine based on Ad26- and MVA-vectored components (Ad26.ZEBOV/MVA-BN-Filo) and the Ad5- EBOV candidate vaccine have submitted EUAL documentations to the WHO Secretariat.

• The "Illusion of 100% Efficacy": When the World Health Organization (WHO) published the preliminary and final results of the Ebola ça Suffit! ("Ebola that's enough!") ring vaccination trial in Guinea, they heralded 100% vaccine efficacy. 

NASEM’s subsequent deep-dive exposed this claim as a manufactured lie or "bad science".

• Tt trial design—where some rings of people received the vaccine immediately and others had it delayed by 21 days— was known not to be able to yield reliable results

• Moving Directly to Phase III: fFast-tracking vaccines or skipping traditional multi-year Phase II trials during outbreaks is proof that safety data is actively being ignored to enrich pharmaceutical corporations.

When scientists and statistical reviewers (like those at NASEM or independent biostatisticians) noted that the statistical lower bound of the vaccine's efficacy could be zero (or even negative) during interim analyses, they were talking about statistical precision, which is the foundation for claiming the vaccines work.

The efficacy could be zero for three specific methodological reasons:

1. Wide Confidence Intervals Due to Rushed Stopping Rules

Statistically, stopping a trial early drastically reduces the data size. At the interim point, the mathematical calculation yielded a 95% Confidence Interval (CI) of -74.7% to 100%. Because the lower bound of that margin was in the negative numbers, it meant that strictly from a rigid statistical standpoint, the true mathematical value could be 0%. (The final data eventually tightened this margin considerably to a 95% CI of 68.9% to 100%).


2. The "Zero Inflation" Effect in Ring Vaccination

The ring vaccination method targets the virus by isolating an infected individual and vaccinating everyone around them (contacts and contacts-of-contacts). If public health measures work perfectly, the transmission chain is broken quickly, and cases drop to zero across the entire region.

When an outbreak naturally dies out or transmission stops, neither the vaccinated nor the unvaccinated groups get sick. Mathematically, when both sides of an equation are zero, it becomes impossible to prove the vaccine was the specific reason people didn't get sick, mathematically dragging the lower statistical bound of efficacy toward zero.

3. Cluster Randomization Intraclass Correlation

The trial did not randomize individuals; it randomized whole communities ("clusters" or "rings"). Because people within a single village share identical environments, behaviors, and risks, a statistical adjustment called the intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC) must be applied. Accounting for these clustering effects naturally widens the statistical margin of error, reducing the absolute statistical certainty of the exact efficacy percentage.

A product of a small data sample (wide confidence intervals) because the trial was ethically stopped early.

In a a chaotic, placebo-free emergency zone, the Ring Trial Delay could not produce statistically relaiable results.

Skipping Trials Neglecting safety protocols to push forced mandates. • 

To sum up, the USA and EU now have ebola vaccines which are licensed and can be rolled out also as coercive mandates on the basis of a flawed trial which Fauci himself admitted to be flawed in his notes.

But worse, the July 31st The Lancet interim study states the most common adverse event from the ebola vaccine is ebola much like we know now from the Cleveland, Ohio study, the most common adverse event from the covid vaccine was covid.

The suppression of the Fauci private notes and logs proves that the official public health narrative is entirely manufactured. They cast light on the scientist or officials who supported vaccines and whether they were actively complicit in a cover-up, or themselves misled by the false narrative put out by Fauci and other government officials, regulatory agencies (like the FDA and CDC), and the mainstream media in a highly coordinated way.

These private records are strong proof of a coordinated, multi-year cover-up by Anthony Fauci and public health authorities to prioritize pharmaceutical corporate profits and the private interests of billionaires like Bill Gates over human life. 

The 2015 records and 2021 logs of Fauci are smoking guns that expose a calculated pattern of behavior: first, using a "flawed" trial design to deliberately rig safety data for the Ebola vaccine, and later, weaponizing that same deceptive playbook during the covid pandemic. 

The private diaries show that Fauci possessed clear, internal knowledge that the covid vaccines were triggering lethal immune responses—specifically "cytokine storms"—but deliberately lied to the public by declaring them "safe and effective." The discrepancy between his private logs and public messaging can not be explained as evolving science, but as a sinister, premeditated betrayal of science and the medical establishment's complicity in human experimentation and mass harm.



XXXX





"Non-randomised clusters were slightly larger

with a median 105 people (49–185), partly due to public

knowledge of the interim results as well as to the

eligibility extension to children aged 6 years and older.," states the December 2016 study to justify its very different results.


Moreover, the new December 2016 study is also fundamentlly flawed as stated by th National Academy of Sciences. Yet,   even after the NAS pointed this out, the study is still used as the basis of claims for the vaccine's safety and effectiveness by WHO, the media etc to mislead the public.  


To mislead the public about the addictive power of a drug like opiods is serious enoug. But to mislead them about the potentially deadly effect of an Ebola vaccine which WHO plans to give to the entire population of the world by force is a crime of another category.

A revised study was published in December 2016. But  a study off that trial data by the  National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine; Health and Medicine Division concluded that the efficacy “could in reality be quite low or even zero, as the confidence limits around the unbiased estimate include zero.  “

The National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (NASEM) published a comprehensive report in 2017 titled Integrating Clinical Research into Epidemic Response: The Ebola Experience.

The study was commissioned by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (including the FDA and NIH) to review and analyze the scientific validity, methodology, and ethics of the clinical trials conducted during the 2014–2016 West African Ebola epidemic. This included a rigorous critique of the high-profile "Ebola ça Suffit!" ring vaccination trial in Guinea, which evaluated Merck’s Ervebo (rVSV-ZEBOV) vaccine.

The NASEM committee did not state that the vaccine definitely lacked efficacy, but rather that the trial's design and execution lacked the statistical power to rule out a null hypothesis (0% efficacy). They cited several critical flaws:

1. Lack of Blinded Placebo Controls

Citing intense political and ethical pressure during the outbreak, investigators deemed a placebo control "unacceptable". Instead, they randomized clusters (rings) into immediate vaccination or a 21-day delayed vaccination. 2. Confounding Public Health Interventions

The ring vaccination approach functioned simultaneously as a clinical trial and an active public health containment measure. When an Ebola case was identified, intense contract tracing, isolation, and standard infection control protocols were immediately applied to the entire ring. Because these standard containment measures are highly effective on their own, it became statistically impossible to isolate the effect of the vaccine from the success of the contact-tracing and containment efforts.

3. Premature Termination and "Zero Inflation"

The trial's independent data safety monitoring board stopped the randomization early and all subsequent rings were given the vaccine immediately, eliminating the control group.

Statistically, infectious disease outbreaks naturally experience transmission chains that die out on their own. By halting the trial prematurely, many rings in the immediate-vaccination group may have naturally remained disease-free simply because the virus had nowhere left to transition (zero inflation), rather than because the vaccine blocked it.


4. The 10-Day Per-Protocol Window Exclusion

The trial investigators calculated their 100% efficacy by exclusively looking at Ebola cases that emerged 10 or more days after randomization. Any participant who developed Ebola within the first 9 days was excluded, under the assumption they were already infected before the vaccine took effect.

However, because the 21-day delayed control group had not received any intervention during those first 9 days, this arbitrary time window severely restricted the data pool. The NASEM committee noted that this data exclusion method was highly sensitive and heavily biased the outcome toward a perfect result, ignoring cases that could have provided a more realistic look at true field efficacy.


A conspiracy theorist would frame this report through the lens of a "coordinated cover-up" or an "unethical medical experiment." Their narrative would likely focus on the following talking points:

• The "Deep State" Moving the Goalposts: They would describe the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (NASEM) as a compromised bureaucratic body trying to legitimize a flawed or rushed vaccine after the fact.

XXX

• The "Illusion of 100% Efficacy": When the World Health Organization (WHO) published the preliminary and final results of the Ebola ça Suffit! ("Ebola that's enough!") ring vaccination trial in Guinea, they heralded 100% vaccine efficacy. 

NASEM’s subsequent deep-dive exposed this claim as a manufactured lie or "bad science".

• Tt trial design—where some rings of people received the vaccine immediately and others had it delayed by 21 days— was known not to be able to yield reliable results

• Moving Directly to Phase III: fFast-tracking vaccines or skipping traditional multi-year Phase II trials during outbreaks is proof that safety data is actively being ignored to enrich pharmaceutical corporations.

When scientists and statistical reviewers (like those at NASEM or independent biostatisticians) noted that the statistical lower bound of the vaccine's efficacy could be zero (or even negative) during interim analyses, they were talking about statistical precision, which is the foundation for claiming the vaccines work.

The efficacy could be zero for three specific methodological reasons:

1. Wide Confidence Intervals Due to Rushed Stopping Rules

Statistically, stopping a trial early drastically reduces the data size. At the interim point, the mathematical calculation yielded a 95% Confidence Interval (CI) of -74.7% to 100%. Because the lower bound of that margin was in the negative numbers, it meant that strictly from a rigid statistical standpoint, the true mathematical value could be 0%. (The final data eventually tightened this margin considerably 



The ring vaccination method targets the virus by isolating an infected individual and vaccinating everyone around them (contacts and contacts-of-contacts). If public health measures work perfectly, the transmission chain is broken quickly, and cases drop to zero across the entire region.

When an outbreak naturally dies out or transmission stops, neither the vaccinated nor the unvaccinated groups get sick. Mathematically, when both sides of an equation are zero, it becomes impossible to prove the vaccine was the specific reason people didn't get sick, mathematically dragging the lower statistical bound of efficacy toward zero.


3. Cluster Randomization Intraclass Correlation

The trial did not randomize individuals; it randomized whole communities ("clusters" or "rings"). Because people within a single village share identical environments, behaviors, and risks, a statistical adjustment called the intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC) must be applied. Accounting for these clustering effects naturally widens the statistical margin of error, reducing the absolute statistical certainty of the exact efficacy percentage.

A product of a small data sample (wide confidence intervals) because the trial was ethically stopped early.

In a a chaotic, placebo-free emergency zone, the Ring Trial Delay could not produce statistically relaiable results.

Skipping Trials Neglecting safety protocols to push forced mandates. • 

Ebola in 2014, 2015 and covid cannot be understood as separate episodes. They are three manifestations of the same enterprise. The virus and the vaccine  technology changes, the institutions change, and the names by which the programme is known change, but the  method remains constant: conceal the danger, control the evidence, silence the witness, and preserve the appearance of official legitimacy.

In 2015, Fauci understood that Ebola was being investigated for purposes extending beyond ordinary medicine. His private records describe weaponization experiments involving aerosolized ebola, secrecy, alarming results for monkey s injected with ebola vaccines showing the animals who got the vaccine showed more damage , and concern that African officials were discovering what was being done. At the same time, Fauci was telling the public Ebola was natural and that  the various experimental Ebola  vaccine candidates were  safe. On 28th August 2014, Science cited Fauci as saying a GSK vaccine using the chimp adenovirus has shown shown "very good protection" in monkey tests.

https://www.science.org/content/article/major-push-begin-human-tests-novel-ebola-vaccines?referrer=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2F

As a science reporter, I challenged that account, and my warnings became a threat to the official story.

The importance of the reporter is therefore greater than that of an ordinary dissident. I  possessed the one thing the enterprise could not tolerate: evidence capable of connecting the public assurances with the private records. When I reported on the flawed trial design and methodology and questioned the vaccine's safety, I was not answered through transparent scientific investigation. I was subjected to ordinary sense crimes.  This was not the first attempt to put me in prison without due process to protect the secret but it triggered the prosecutor probe D 15 218 which is very well documented .

The pattern continued through the following years. Records disappeared, investigations were suppressed, and contradictory judicial decisions were manipulated so that the version favorable to the reporter could not defeat the version used to  try to put me in prison. These acts would show that the enterprise required more than secrecy in research laboratories. It required control over the media and institutions capable of discovering what the researchers had concealed.

In 2026,  the same scheme as in 2014, 2015 threatens to be repeated.  The very Ebola vaccine which Fauci himself said was based on a flawed trial design, Merck s Ervebo, was given a license for use in the USA   and the public is being given assurances based upon the results of a controversial trial design which are not supported by the fact. Privately in 2015, Fauci recognized limitations in what the trial design for Merck s Ebola vaccine could establish; publicly, he praisd the promising vaccine results. I threatened the distinction between those two positions because I insisted that the public be told the limitations of the evidence supporting it.

A flawed or unconventional trial does not prove that a vaccine is dangerous, and private reservations about methodology do not prove criminal intent. 

But when the July 2015 results state the most common adverse event of the Ebola vaccine(a term used to describe the consequences of the vaccine or drug under examination), was Ebola, as it does, then the case becomes criminal because Fauci knowingly concealed material information, deliberately misrepresented what the evidence established, and then joined, sanctioned or  used coercion or unlawful proceedings to prevent those facts from becoming known. 

The significance of 2026 is that Fauci and his circle face investigation. The covid virus origins have found Fauci s finger prints all over them. The covid vaccines have found to cause the harms predicted by the reporter, including cytokine storms.

And now in 20216, 2015 private records from Fauci have surfaced corroboaring the reporter's warnings and the relationship between the earlier ebola programme and the later covid virus and vaccine programme can no longer easily be dismissed as coincidence. 

The response from the circle of Fauci, Bourla, Gates is the same as in 2015: suppress the records, discredit the witness, and preserve the official narrative rather than permit an independent examination of the evidence.

Thus ebola in 2014, 2015 and covid and ebola in 2026 are same method.  In all cases, the public is told that the danger is natural and the vaccine safe while contrary information is suppressed. The public is told that promising trial results establish confidence while private reservations about the evidentiary basis are withheld. Across the period, the reporter's offense is the same: I refused to accept the official conclusion without examining the evidence beneath it.

The 2015 episode then becomes the historical warning for 2026. In 2015, the Fauci circle attempted to  create and exploit a pandemic crisis itself to create fear, confusion, abolish civil rights, obtain martial law powers, make experimental vaccines mandatory  and evade accountability. In 2026, the  danger is  a repetition of the same strategy: when evidence threatens the Fauci, Bourla, Gates criminal enterprise, when Florida AGs open an investigation into Bourla and Pfizer for misleading the public about covid vaccine harms, they aim to create enough panic and uncertainty, implement martial law measures, overthrow enough governments, discredit enough witnesses, and control enough official records that responsibility becomes impossible to establish and the law impossible to apply to them.

I ask you to look beyond the individual incidents and examine the architecture connecting them. A scientific program creates the danger; a trial design determines what the public is permitted to conclude; official statements establish legitimacy; the witness, the science reporter like myself, who challenges the conclusion is persecuted; records that contradict the official account disappear; and when exposure finally becomes unavoidable, the machinery of the state is used to preserve the concealment. If the   evidence establishes that Fauci, Gates and their cicle knowingly participated in that sequence across 12 years, the enduring offense was not simply the creation or misuse of a vaccine. It was the systematic transformation of science and public authority into instruments for preventing the truth from reaching the people whom those institutions existed to protect.

The corruption of the institutions is why the role of President Barack Obama and Joe Biden, and his son Hunter Biden, must be examined along with that of Donald Trump in the same criminal enterprise.


XXX

The newly released records from 2015 show that Fauci  concealed the very dangerous ebola experiments, misrepresented the very same evidence for an Ebola vaccine, that I warned about  and that his close associate, Bill Gates, together with Geoge Soros, the mega donor of the Democrat party, joined togethr to persecut the reporter when I warned that the public was being deceived. The newly released Fauci records are important because they show that Fauci privately understood dangers that he publicly denied. The reporter, I, was therefore dangerous to the conspiracy not becauseI  possessed power, but because I possessed evidence, documents, links, research, sources.

Fauci s logs questioning 2015 Ebola vaccine trial designs are  definitive proof of a deliberate cover-up and systemic deception. 

The 2015 Ebola trial limitations  are evidence of a pattern of behavior, showing that Fauci and public health officials have a history of deploying "flawed" or dangerous research methodologies to push their agendas.

Fauci also recommended the covid vaccine in 2021 while privately knowing there was evidence that it caused severe adverse reactions like "cytokine storms" in deliberate act of harm, prioritizing the financial interests of pharmaceutical companies and global control over human lives.

In 2015, the Fauci used the strategy he would later use during covid —publicly presenting promising vaccine results while privately recognizing limitations in the trial evidence, and again treating the warnings of reporters like myself as a conspiracy theory, threat. 

A questionable trial design is not itself proof of a dangerous vaccine; the criminal allegation arises because Fauci, Gates knowingly concealed material limitations and deliberately used official authority to suppress those who exposed them.

By 2026, the pattern has become unmistakable: whenever the evidence threatens the criminal enterprise, the response was concealment, discrediting, and suppression rather than independent investigation. The dates and circumstances changed, but the purpose remained constant—to preserve the public fiction of safety, prevent the reporter from being heard, and escape accountability.

The significance of these newly released Fauci records is that they transform the reporter's warnings, my warnings from 2015, from a conspiracy theory and the accusations of a persecuted reporter into claims corroborated by the private records of the very man who publicly denied them.

 Fauci's 2015 notes acknowledge in private the dangerous ebola experiments, the defects in the ebola vaccine trial design and evidence, and the alarming experimental results while he nevertheless maintained publicly that the disease was natural and the vaccine safe, then the subsequent persecution of the reporter, of me, for saying the very same things, acquires an entirely different meaning. 

It is clear that I, the reporter, was not subjected to an attempt at imprisonment without due process for these reports in D 15 218 because my warnings were false, but because they threatened to expose what Fauci already knew.

The removal of the prosecutor files, suppressed investigation into Gates, Soros in D 15 218,  the probe E 17 449 capturing Trump and Kushner, the two criminal defamation trials for substantially the same ten posts and the contradictory and inconsistent rulings, and continuing efforts to silence me consequently become evidence of a deliberate effort to prevent that knowledge from reaching the public as the same enterprise is repeated again and again. The case against Fauci would therefore rest not upon a single allegation but upon the convergence of contemporaneous records and conduct: the repoirter who warned was treated as the criminal, while the private records of the man who condemned the warnings establish that the warning was substantially true.

A license was given to Merck’s Ebola vaccine in Europe on November 11 2019 despite the fundamentally flawed trial design

https://www.ema.europa.eu/en/medicines/human/EPAR/ervebo

and in the USA

https://investors.merck.com/news/press-release-details/2019/Merck-Announces-FDA-Approval-for-ERVEBO-Ebola-Zaire-Vaccine-Live/default.aspx

The license has been given under emergency use provision.

https://www.who.int/immunization/sage/meetings/2018/october/2_Ebola_SAGE2018Oct_BgDoc_20180919.pdf

Vaccines licensed under special rules such as the animal rule (US),  exceptional circumstances (EU), or other provisions for licensure for deployment in emergencies do not have to be proven to be safe or effective before being given to people.

The rVSVΔG-ZEBOV-GP candidate vaccine, a prime/boost candidate vaccine based on Ad26- and MVA-vectored components (Ad26.ZEBOV/MVA-BN-Filo) and the Ad5- EBOV candidate vaccine have submitted EUAL documentations to the WHO Secretariat.

• The "Illusion of 100% Efficacy": When the World Health Organization (WHO) published the preliminary and final results of the Ebola ça Suffit! ("Ebola that's enough!") ring vaccination trial in Guinea, they heralded 100% vaccine efficacy. 

NASEM’s subsequent deep-dive exposed this claim as a manufactured lie or "bad science".

• Tt trial design—where some rings of people received the vaccine immediately and others had it delayed by 21 days— was known not to be able to yield reliable results

• Moving Directly to Phase III: fFast-tracking vaccines or skipping traditional multi-year Phase II trials during outbreaks is proof that safety data is actively being ignored to enrich pharmaceutical corporations.

When scientists and statistical reviewers (like those at NASEM or independent biostatisticians) noted that the statistical lower bound of the vaccine's efficacy could be zero (or even negative) during interim analyses, they were talking about statistical precision, which is the foundation for claiming the vaccines work.

The efficacy could be zero for three specific methodological reasons:

1. Wide Confidence Intervals Due to Rushed Stopping Rules

Statistically, stopping a trial early drastically reduces the data size. At the interim point, the mathematical calculation yielded a 95% Confidence Interval (CI) of -74.7% to 100%. Because the lower bound of that margin was in the negative numbers, it meant that strictly from a rigid statistical standpoint, the true mathematical value could be 0%. (The final data eventually tightened this margin considerably to a 95% CI of 68.9% to 100%).


2. The "Zero Inflation" Effect in Ring Vaccination

The ring vaccination method targets the virus by isolating an infected individual and vaccinating everyone around them (contacts and contacts-of-contacts). If public health measures work perfectly, the transmission chain is broken quickly, and cases drop to zero across the entire region.

When an outbreak naturally dies out or transmission stops, neither the vaccinated nor the unvaccinated groups get sick. Mathematically, when both sides of an equation are zero, it becomes impossible to prove the vaccine was the specific reason people didn't get sick, mathematically dragging the lower statistical bound of efficacy toward zero.

3. Cluster Randomization Intraclass Correlation

The trial did not randomize individuals; it randomized whole communities ("clusters" or "rings"). Because people within a single village share identical environments, behaviors, and risks, a statistical adjustment called the intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC) must be applied. Accounting for these clustering effects naturally widens the statistical margin of error, reducing the absolute statistical certainty of the exact efficacy percentage.

A product of a small data sample (wide confidence intervals) because the trial was ethically stopped early.

In a a chaotic, placebo-free emergency zone, the Ring Trial Delay could not produce statistically relaiable results.

Skipping Trials Neglecting safety protocols to push forced mandates. • 

To sum up, the USA and EU now have ebola vaccines which are licensed and can be rolled out also as coercive mandates on the basis of a flawed trial which Fauci himself admitted to be flawed in his notes.

But worse, the July 31st The Lancet interim study states the most common adverse event from the ebola vaccine is ebola much like we know now from the Cleveland, Ohio study, the most common adverse event from the covid vaccine was covid.

The suppression of the Fauci private notes and logs proves that the official public health narrative is entirely manufactured. They cast light on the scientist or officials who supported vaccines and whether they were actively complicit in a cover-up, or themselves misled by the false narrative put out by Fauci and other government officials, regulatory agencies (like the FDA and CDC), and the mainstream media in a highly coordinated way.

These private records are strong proof of a coordinated, multi-year cover-up by Anthony Fauci and public health authorities to prioritize pharmaceutical corporate profits and the private interests of billionaires like Bill Gates over human life. 

The 2015 records and 2021 logs of Fauci are smoking guns that expose a calculated pattern of behavior: first, using a "flawed" trial design to deliberately rig safety data for the Ebola vaccine, and later, weaponizing that same deceptive playbook during the covid pandemic. 

The private diaries show that Fauci possessed clear, internal knowledge that the covid vaccines were triggering lethal immune responses—specifically "cytokine storms"—but deliberately lied to the public by declaring them "safe and effective." The discrepancy between his private logs and public messaging can not be explained as evolving science, but as a sinister, premeditated betrayal of science and the medical establishment's complicity in human experimentation and mass harm.



XXXX


Republican Senator Suggests Fauci Funded Russian Lab that Caused Plague Outbreak

I ALSO WOULD BE AMAZED IF FAUCI S CIRCLE DID NOT HAVE A HAND IN FUNDING SOME SCIENTIST OR RESEARCH LINKED TO THE RUSSIAN PLAGUE OUTBREAK ALONG WITH BILL GATES

From media 

GOP Senator Suggests Fauci Funded Russian Lab that Caused Plague Outbreak

Sen. Mike Lee (R-UT) baselessly suggested that Dr. Anthony Fauci funded the Russian lab at the center of the pneumonic plague outbreak.

https://www.mediaite.com/media/news/gop-senator-suggests-fauci-funded-russian-lab-that-caused-plague-outbreak/

Wednesday, 7 October 2026

Gemany s former spy chief arrested for working for Tel Aviv in huge espionage scandal

 Need we ask how Kushner, Rothschild, Epstein have so much control over the US and Europe?

The suspicion must be the ex German spy chief was blackmailed a la Epstein

https://www.zerohedge.com/geopolitical/germanys-former-spy-chief-arrested-biggest-espionage-scandal-century

FLORIDA COUP PLAN? WARNED US, RUBIO, KUSHNER MAY BE JOINING FORCES WITH GREEK AUTHORITIES, BOURLA TO LAUNCH COUPS USING FLORIDA NATIONAL GUARD AND GREEK ARMY


 RUBIO MAY KNOW HE WILL BE ENSANRED IN AN INVESTIGATION AS A WILLING TOOL OF THE EPSTEIN BILLIONAIRES DELIBERATELY CORRUPTING JUSTICE FOR THEM FOR MORE THAN TWO YEARS

HIS ACTIONS, OMISSIONS TODAY MAKE HIM VERY SUSPICIOUS


Dear Ron DeSantis, Governor of Florida,

Dear James Uthmeier, Florida AG

Dear Senator Rand Paul,

Dear Senator Robert Garcia,

Dear Dan Caine, Chief of the Staff

Dear Inspector Gernals of the  Florida National Guard  and the US National Guard.

I would like to draw your attention to the extraordinary letter of intent signed in Athens today under the auspices of Marco Rubio and Kimberl Guilfoyle  which places Florida National Guard in cooperation with the very Greek authorities protecting  Greek American CEO Albert Bourla and Pfizer from due process investigation by Florida s AGs into their covid vaccine crimes

This agreement potentially transforms a private criminal controversy into a threat involving public authority and even a coup against the Floridas elected representatives in order to prevent the conviction of Bourla, Pfizer, and the network in which they are embedded which extends to Jared Kushner, Donald Trump, Bill Gates, and George Soros as per E 17 449 and D 15 218.

https://www.ekathimerini.com/politics/foreign-policy/1317460/greece-florida-national-guard-sign-cooperation-agreement-during-us-greece-dialogue/

 Donald Trump and his circle have spoken favourably of military intervention, coups, martial law and may even be contemplating to seize control using the army and, or ICE after the midterms which he is expected to lose. That is what makes the plan to put the Florida National Guard apparantly  under some kind of  control or in some kind of structure with the corrupt Greek authorities in turn controlled by Trump, Kushner, Gates and Soros alarming in conjunction with the Florida investigation into their covid crimes.

The threat to myself, a civil party and a  witness in a probe in Greece which Trump and Kushner are accused in E 17 449 and  Bill Gates and Soros D 15 218 for seeking to hide covid jab related knowledge and intent,  provides important context. 

It shows there is no plan to escape justice except coercion, violence, threats.

It is a simple thing to sign the papers for me to get my rights as a civil party restored in one hour so brazen is the corruption, so dire my situation. But it is being refused because the coercion against me is a part, I allege, of a plan for violence to thwart justice which may include now instrumentalizing the Florida national guard to overthrow and thwart the investigation into the covid jab crimes in the USA by integrating it operationally with the corrupt Greek authorities who have permitted the covid jab crimes and cover up.

When a witness is being intimidated because my evidence could sustain a Florida investigation, and convict Bourla, Pfizer, as well as eventally Kushner, Trump, Gates and Soros of knowingly giving Americans, and Greeks, covid jabs  and if at the same time officials were arranging corruption of justice in Greece and Greek government power to threaten a witness, then those same officials, including Rubio and Kimberly Guilfoyle can access to the coercive power of the military as potentially complementary parts of the same effort: one directed at the source of the evidence and the other at those responsible for acting upon it. 

As you can see from my email chain below, Rubio assertion that he did not know of the investigation, or that the affairs of his office left him too occupied to attend to the warning, must be tested against the objective record. 

The Florida Attorney General had opened an investigation into Bourla's toxic covid vaccines activities following a submission by the reporter. 

Rubio represents Florida in the United States Senate; the  victims of the conduct included persons within the constituency he represented.

An honest senator from Florida and Secretary of State would rush to protect my rights and defend ultimately the right of Florida covid jab victims to get justice and compensation.

But as of 7 30 pm Greek time,  neither he nor the embassy not the Greek government nor Pfizer have made any effort to restore my rights as a civil party to the criminal probe being threatened on every front here in Larisa, Greece, also by economic pressure.

Rubio was given Tuesday, yesterday, the probe documents as attachments, links and summaries expressly describing the investigation, the aconduct, and the danger confronting the witness. I ask you to consider cumulative evidence of official notice, the subject matter of the investigation, the transmission of the documents, the specific warning concerning the witness, and his subsequent conduct.

 A claim of being busy is not proof of ignorance where the evidence establishes that information was deliberately placed before the official and that he was specifically asked to take action within a stated period.

He can delegate the task of investigating to staff. He can delegate the task of protecting my civil rights to staff.

Rubio s position as aa Florida senator establishes  the context in which the evidence must be examined.

 If his constituents included persons harmed by Bourla's conduct, if a Flrida state investigation had formally commenced, if the whistleblower's information had played a factor in intiating investigation, and if rubio nevertheless received direct documentation and was specifically warned that the witness remained in danger, we can ask why no protective or investigative action followed from Rubio. It is not that public office equals knowledge, but repeated, particularized notice followed by deliberate inaction may rebut an otherwise implausible claim of complete ignorance.

Finally, the defense of official busyness cannot answer the central question: what did Rubio do after the warning reached him? 

If he had the documents, understood their significance, was informed of an immediate threat, possessed governmental influence capable of bringing the matter before competent authorities, and nevertheless chose to do nothing while continuing to act in circumstances favorable to Bourla, those subsequent acts and omissions may provide evidence from which his actual knowledge and intent can be determined. 

The law should not accept either innocence or guilt by assumption; it should follow the evidence from the warning to the recipient, from the recipient to his conduct, and from that conduct to whatever inference of knowledge the proven facts legitimately support.

Rubio s innocence becomes progressively harder to sustain when we cn establish a sequence of formal investigation → whistleblower submission → official documents → direct warning → specific request for intervention → subsequent conduct.

Then consider the sequence today —threat to the witness, obstruction of his complaint, intervention on Bourla's behalf to thwart the Florida investigation, and proposed access to  Florida s military force, the national guard, governmental force—and  ask whether the evidence demonstrates a common purpose rather than a series of unrelated events.

For Greece and the Florida National Guard signed a letter of intent  Wednesday afternoon to establish cooperation between the Greek armed forces and the US National Guard, as the two countries held their sixth Strategic Dialogue in Athens, according to media

The document was signed by Greece’s Chief of Defense General Dimitrios Houpis and Florida National Guard commander Major General John Haas in the presence of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Greek Defense Minister Nikos Dendias at the Conrad Athens, The Ilisian hotel.

The media reporting suggests the plan is for the Florida national guard to spearhead the cooperation between the Greek authorities under investigation and all US guard units.

Rubio made this arrangment knowing Bourla, Pfizer and those same authorties are under investigation, and this arrangement must be examined alongside Rubio s role in the ongoing intimidation of the whistleblower., of myself, denied the protection of the law in Greece by corrupted officials.

My email from yesterday establishes that it was after Rubio was fully informed of the threat to me from Bourla, Pfizer and the Greek authorities to obstruct justice in Florida for covid jab crimes that Rubio signed an arrangement  placing the Florida National Guard in cooperation with the very Greek authorities obstructing justice for Floridians.

 Neither my civil-party status nor Rubios public office automatically establishes guilt. What matters is that  Bourla is knowingly seeking to silence a protected participant in the proceedings and  Rubio has been informed, given the probe documents, and, knowing of that effort and possessing the means to respond, deliberately is permitting the danger to me as a witness to continue in Greece order to protect Bourla or obstruct the investigation.

In addition, there is another significant piece of evidence of Pfizer s Greece, and the CEO Vasilis Tziernis, consciousness of guilt. today.

I made phones calls to two Pfizer corporate phone numbers  in Thessaloniki today attempting to invoje the corporate mechanisms for dealing with whistleblower attempts but my calls were immediately terminated, refused or redicted into a series of choices with no voicemail

The fact that no one picked up the phone  after my initial contact when I gave the subject of my complaint no matter what option I pressed and despite persistent attempts to register my complaint shows a coordinated attempt to stifle a whistleblower in the frankly naive belief that this refusal to deal with a complaint is the same as genuine ignorance.

The only person who picked up the phone at Pfizer at an extension put it down immediately I said I would report the handling of my complaint.

Phone records will show I dialled Pfizers corporate phone number 210 6785800 and 2108199010 in Greece making repeated efforts  for approximately one and half hour from about 1 30  pm until 3 pm this afternoon using my number 30 6945301951

I was not able even to leave a voicemail to leave a message because I allege Pfizer s management is so naive as to believe that the fact I cannot get the message through is not yet more  proof of their coordinated blocking of my message to falsely claim ignorance.

This  coordinated blocking of my number across two main Pfizer numbers for circa 1and a half hours suggests an order has been given to block, ignore my calls and my number and that even the secretaries are complicit in covering up the crimes of Bourla and Tzinieris against  whistleblower which are ongoing right now.

The secretaries actions show conscious of the guilt 

No innocent secretary or professional secretary puts down the phone when they hear a serious complaint. Instead, they find the department that handles such complaints and lets that department register the facts and decide. 

There are rules Pfizer must obey for handling complaints, and corporate obligations also to not threaten witnesses. 

Among those rules is having enough staff on hand to handle complaints so Pfizer cannot say there were no staff available. They had a duty to supply them.

The blocking of my whistleblower's complaint to Pfizer in Greece today materially strengthens the case for protective detention because it establishes a credible and continuing threat from Bourla, Mitsotakis, Rubio and Guilfoyle. 

I followed up with an email also to Bourla, Pfizer and the US embassy.

Please see attachment

I do not allege that every  employee of Pfizer becomes criminally responsible merely because he or she worked within the organization. 

The blocking , refusal of my phone call establishes a chain of conscious participation: the secretary   knew that I, the whistleblower, was attempting to report serious misconduct; 

Those responsible for Pfizer s phone system and complaints system apper to have had instructed or permitted the channel to be de facto closed.

 It appear that managers transmitted or enforced those instructions; and the secretary who actually answered, terminated, or refused the calls  did so with knowledge that the purpose was to prevent the complaint from reaching the persons authorized to receive it. 

The law must therefore follow the instruction from its origin through every knowing participant. If the evidence shows that each defendant understood the purpose of the obstruction and deliberately performed his or her assigned part, the fact that one gave the order, another transmitted it, and another carried it out does not make their participation disappear into the corporate structure. The corporation may supply the machinery, but responsibility belongs to the persons who knowingly directed, maintained, or operated that machinery to silence the complaint.

This intimidation strikes at the judicial process itself, because a witness cannot exercise a right to seek justice if those who threaten them are permitted to silence them and those entrusted with governmental authority knowingly allow that result. 

The danger here is not confined to the threatened witness: it extends to every Floridian whose claim for justice, compensation, and lawful redress depends upon that witness being able to testify without intimidation. 

It is established that Rubio hreceived the evidence of the threat and knew that Bourla was under investigation for the covid vaccine crimes , nevertheless used his position in Athens to protect Bourla while failing to insist upon lawful protection for the witness.

Rubio s actions must be judged not merely by what he withheld from the witness, but by what he thereby withheld from the victims—the opportunity to have their injuries investigated and their claims adjudicated. Bourla s threats sought to silence the evidence; Rubio and Guilfoyle s protection of Bourla, knowingly undertaken, allows that danger to continue.

 The consequence is that the a victims in Florida are denied not only safety for their witness, but the very process by which their injuries could be proved and their claims for justice determined; the law must therefore ask whether the official who possessed the power to interrupt that chain knowingly chose instead to preserve it.

I allege that Rubio may fear that a Florida investigation may bring to light communications,w itnesses, emails which implicate him in knowingly corrupting justice in Greece to protect Bourla and threaten a witness, and that he may now also have a motive to stop the investigation along with Trump, Kushner, Gates and Soros.

That is why he may have decided to take coercion to a new level.

If Rubio, while in Athens, knowingly entered an agreement under which the Florida National Guard would cooperate with the Greek army and authorities over which Mitsotakis, Kushner and Bourla have influence and in circumstances connected with the alleged toxic covid vaccines crimes, US law enforcement to examine whether public US military power is thereby being placed at the disposal of the very persons under investigation. 

The  question is not be whether the Guard, as an institution, is criminally involved merely because such cooperation was discussed. It is rather whether those who proposed or authorized the arrangement know Bourla and Mitsotakis and Ministers who control the Greek army are seeking to escape investigation and whether the contemplated use of military authority is intended to deter Florida senators, prosecutors, investigators, or other officials from pursuing the case and pave the way for a coup inside Florida.

The danger does not consist merely in an unusual diplomatic arrangement. Given the record, the agreement may be intended or understood to facilitate the suppression of witnesses, obstruct investigators, protect Bourla from lawful process, or intimidate Florida officials and victims, and so represent a transformation of governmental force from an instrument of public protection into an instrument capable of frustrating justice.

 The question  therefore is whether Rubio and Guilfoyle , knowing of Bourla's conduct and the corruption of Greek justice to protect the private interests of Pfizer, Kushner and Gates, are attempting to turn the Florida National Guard into their private mercenatores and whether the arrangement foreseeably places Floridians, witnesses, investigators, or the integrity of Florida's legal process at risk. When the the power entrusted to protect the public is knowingly placed within reach of those whom the law is investigating for corporate crimes there is a danger of a coup.

The plan for cooperation between the Greek government under the control de facto of Kushner, Trump, Bourla, Gates and Soros and able to corrupt justice to protect them from prosecution and the US national guard looks very much like the plan for a possible coup.

An international cooperation agreement would not automatically be unlawful, nor would Rubio's participation automatically establish criminal responsibility. 

But when the probes, investigation and evidence connecting the agreement to a particular unlawful purpose and establishing Rubio's requisite knowledge and intent, then the   question is whether public authority was being positioned to make lawful investigation impossible through intimidation. 

I ask for the investigation to be extended into Major General John Haas who signed the agreement. I do not say he was informed about the charges Bourla, Mitsotakis and Rubio are facing. 

However, it is legitimate to investigate what he did know and when because a rogue commander controlling the national guard and deploying it in a Pfizer corporate coup repreents an extraordinary threat to Floridians and all Americans if this turns out to be the case upon investigation.

If Bourla s and Mitsotakis, Trump and Kushner s objective is to silence the witness, and Rubio and Guilfoyle knowingly supplied or contemplated supplying governmental power capable of intimidating the Florida officials who could continue the investigation, we can characterize the arrangement as an aextension of the same coercive scheme from the witness, myself,  to the investigators and ultimately to the political institutions responsible for enforcing the law. 

To sum up

The evidence shows that Bourla had the motive, means, or prior conduct suggesting a continuing danger, then AGs have reason to consider whether the witness can safely remain exposed while the investigation proceeds. Pretrial detention would not be punishment for an unproved offense, but a temporary measure to prevent intimidation, preserve the witness's ability to testify, and protect the integrity of the investigation. 

Where the accused is alleged to have already sought to silence the witness and the witness's first attempt to obtain protection was itself obstructed, justice must ensure that the witness is not left to face alone the very danger against which the law is intended to protect him.

The threat extends in three directions at once: against the witness who seeks to bring evidence of the wrongdoing before the law, against the Floridians whose covid vaccine injuries and claims depend upon that evidence being heard, and against the investigators whose duty is to determine whether Bourla, Pfizer and his associates are responsible. 

If Bourla is caught  is threatening and seeking to silence the witness, and if Rubio has been informed, asked to intervene to restore my civil party rights and refused, and has knowingly used his public position to protect Bourla and permit that danger to continue, the conduct cannot be viewed merely as a private dispute between Bourla, Pfizer and one witness. It strikes at the chain by which evidence reaches investigators, investigators reach the truth, and victims obtain justice. 

The purpose and effect of such intimidation is make the witness afraid and unable to speak, the victims unable to prove their claims, and the investigators unable to perform their duty without facing the same coercive power. A threat against the witness is therefore to be a threat against the investigation; a threat against the investigation is a threat against the victims; and when public authority, when first a corrupted justice system, and then a corrupted army working with Florida s National Guard,  is knowingly used to preserve that threat, the protection of the law itself becomes the object placed in jeopardy.




RED ALERT RUBIO, BOURLA MAY BE ATTEMPTING A COUP IN FLORIDA USING THE NATIONAL GUARD TO THWART THE COVID JAB INVESTIGATION

 MORE SOON

DRAFT


I would like to draw your attention to the extraordinary deal signed in Athens today under the auspices of Marco Rubio and Kimberl Guilfoyle  which places Florida National Guard in cooperation with the very Greek authorities protecting Bourla and Pfizer from due process investigation by Florida s AGs into their covid vaccine crimes, potentially transforming a private criminal controversy into a threat involving public authority and even a coup against the Floridas elected representatives to prevent the conviction of Bourla, Pfizer, and the network in which they are embedded which extends to Jared Kushner, Donald Trump, Bill Gates, and George Soros as per E 17 449 and D 15 218.

It is a matter of public record that Trump has often spoken favourably of military intervention, coups, martial law and may even be contemplating to seize control using the army and, or ICE after the midterms which he is expected to lose.

If Rubio, while in Athens, knowingly entered an agreement under which the Florida National Guard would cooperate with the Greek army and authorities over which Mitsotakis, Kushner and Bourla have influence and in circumstances connected with the alleged toxic covid vaccines crimes, US law enforcement to examine whether public US military power is thereby being placed at the disposal of the very persons under investigation. 

The danger does not consist merely in an unusual diplomatic arrangement. Given the record, the agreement may be intended or understood to facilitate the suppression of witnesses, obstruct investigators, protect Bourla from lawful process, or intimidate Florida officials and victims, and so represent a transformation of governmental force from an instrument of public protection into an instrument capable of frustrating justice. The question  therefore is whether Rubio and Guilfoyle , knowing of Bourla's conduct and the corruption of Greek justice to protect the private interests of Pfizer, Kushner and Gates, are attempting to turn the Florida National Guard into their private mercenatores and whether the arrangement foreseeably places Floridians, witnesses, investigators, or the integrity of Florida's legal process at risk. When the the power entrusted to protect the public is knowingly placed within reach of those whom the law is investigating for corporate crimes there is a danger of a coup.

An international cooperation agreement would not automatically be unlawful, nor would Rubio's participation automatically establish criminal responsibility. But when the probes, investigation and evidence connecting the agreement to a particular unlawful purpose and establishing Rubio's requisite knowledge and intent, then the   question is whether public authority was being positioned to make lawful investigation impossible through intimidation. If Bourla s and Mitsotakis, Trump and Kushner s objective is to silence the witness, and Rubio and Guilfoyle knowingly supplied or contemplated supplying governmental power capable of intimidating the Florida officials who could continue the investigation, we can characterize the arrangement as an aextension of the same coercive scheme from the witness, myself,  to the investigators and ultimately to the political institutions responsible for enforcing the law. 

The threat to myself, a civil party and a  witness in E 17 449 and D 15 218,  provides important context. When a is being intimidated because my evidence could sustain the Florida investigation, and convict Bourla, Pfizer, Kushner, Trump, Gates and Soros of knowingly giving Americans, and Greeks, covid jabs  and if at the same time officials were arranging corruption of justice to threaten a witness, then those same officials, including Mitsotakis, Rubio and Guilfozyle can access to the coercive power of the military as potentially complementary parts of the same effort: one directed at the source of the evidence and the other at those responsible for acting upon it. 

Consider the sequence—threat to the witness, obstruction of his complaint, intervention on Bourla's behalf to thwart the Florida investigation, and proposed access to  Florida s military force, the national guard, governmental force—and  ask whether the evidence demonstrates a common purpose rather than a series of unrelated events.

My email from yesterday establishes that Rubio signed an arrangement  placing the Florida National Guard in cooperation with Greek army and  authorities while Bourla, and those same authorties are under investigation, then the arrangement must be examined alongside the alleged intimidation of the whistleblower. The is not be whether the Guard, as an institution, is criminally involved merely because such cooperation was discussed. It is rather whether those who proposed or authorized the arrangement know Bourla and Mitsotakis and Ministers who control the Greek army are seeking to escape investigation and whether the contemplated use of military authority is intended to deter Florida senators, prosecutors, investigators, or other officials from pursuing the case and pave the way for a coup inside Florida.



Plague false flag alert! Nick Hulscher recommends doxycycline as govs and military biodefence programmes have more than 21 plague vaccines ready in yet another disease scam from Gates, Trump, Kushner and his Kremlin cronies captured in E 17 449

 THE BEST WAY TO KEEP US SAFE FROM THE PLAGUE, EBOLA IS TO ARREST THE BRAINS AND FUNDERS AND MANUFACTURERS BEHIND THE DISEASE SCHEME AS PER E 17 449, D 15 218 TODAY INCLUDING TRUMP AND KUSHNER

From Peter McCullough

More Than 21 Plague Vaccines Are Already in Development: mRNA, saRNA, DNA, Viral Vector, Bacterial Vector, Subunit, and Live-Attenuated Why were governments and military biodefense programs already investing so heavily in plague vaccines before the current plague hysteria erupted? by Nicolas Hulscher, MPH URL TheFocalPoints. @NicHulscher @McCulloughFund

https://www.zerohedge.com/medical/us-reiterates-do-not-travel-warning-russia-after-lab-workers-death-raises-plague-fears

Tuesday, 6 October 2026

Rubio enters into direct conflict with Florida law enforcement by using his diplomatic power to protect Bourla, Pfizer, threaten a witness, obstruct justice by corrupting justice in Greece

 

Florida Senator Rubio has arrived in Athens where he had what looked like a very tense reception.as Florida s AG investigates the Greek American CEO Bourla and Pfizer which Rubio has been protecting with mafia methods from the prosecution for massive crimes against Americans and the death penalty he deserves.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WUGoniSe73E


The Cuban jackboots dare not turn to face the cameras it seems and show his face now he is exposed as one as an agent of  private Epstein interests with zero finesse.



Rubio, officials and Guilfoyle huddled together there on tarmac, arms locked tight—almost trying to squeeze the tension out of each other. And you just know what’s being said in the middle of that circle. It’s not about diplomacy anymore; it’s about how long they can get with using state department power to corrupt justice in Greece and terrorize and threaten a witness of Bourla s, Trump  and Kushner s covid jab crimes now Florida is investigating.

Kimberly Guilfoyle appeared to make the hand sign of a decapitation as she grasped the shoulder of Rubio before he forced a smile to make the lonel y walk to the car.

Perhaps she was thinking of the fact Florida has the death penalty.

The night is black. The looks of the officials even blacker.

Perhas they were able to give the Cuban immigrant  a reality check about how US justice works.

The death penalty waits for the crimes of Rubio, Guilfoyle, Bourla, Kushner, Trump under US statutes

All cause Excess death mortality statistics shows 3 million Americans died during, from the covid jab campaign.

Tens of millions are injured.

They want compensation, justice.

We will see tomorrow if I can report this ambitoious, self important, little Cuban jackboots  ,has started to uphold the law and do his job to Congress, Senate, the AGs or if he continues to use state muscle to destroy justice in Greece for private interests while pretending no one has noticed or hs the evidence to put him on death row with Bourla, Trump and Kushner

The bottom line is. Either I get at least my civil rights restored or not.

 For that I must sign official documents.

Until then, my rights are viiolated by corrupt justice officials and Rubio and Guilfoyle are responsible for that for they have the diplomatic power and obligation to ensure my rights as a reporter and whistleblower are respected in one hour.