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REQUEST FOR CRIMINAL INVESTIGATION AND JURISDICTIONAL REVIEW
To: Office of the Attorney General of Florida
Re: Request to investigate alleged transnational interference with a journalist, suppression of evidence, and potential harm to Florida residents
I respectfully request that the Florida Attorney General's Office and, where legally appropriate, the Office of Statewide Prosecution investigate whether Florida criminal jurisdiction exists concerning an alleged transnational scheme involving Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Pfizer Chairman and CEO Albert Bourla, and other persons whose identities and roles should be established through investigation.
I do not ask Florida law enforcement to treat the allegations below as established facts. I request an independent investigation into whether documentary and testimonial evidence in D 15 218 , E 17 449, and other files in Greece establishes criminal conduct, jurisdiction, causation, conspiracy, or other legally cognizable offenses in relation to covid virus origins and the covid vaccination campaign in Florida and any linked deaths.
KEY NEW EVIDENCE
In this submission, I focus on the role of Mitsotakis and Bourla in advancing crimes against Florida during covid and the evidence of their prior knowledge
Please see the emails to Mitsotakis and Bourla attached below for more details.
An email dated 11th March 2016 shows Mitsotakis was informed of the corruption of due process in D 15 218 which includes a Florida newspaper article as crucial evidence which was illegally suppressed as discussed below. The email header has Greek letters Areio Pago (Supreme Court)
A key email is dated January 20th 2022 and sent to both Mitsotakis and Bourla and headed "No trial identifier number for Merck s Molnupiravir in GR and other issues." clearly refer to the files D 15 218 and E 17 449 and I add key documents as attachments.
The date of January 2022 is important in establishing the knowledge of Mitsotakis and Bourla prior to more retaliation against the reporter in May, June 2022 as discussed in submissions, which targeted the reporters communications with US state AGs including Florida on these matters.
Another email is "Proofs of your role in a smear and murder plot of a reporter"
sent on 27 May 2022 at 17:15
To: bill.gates@gatesfoundation.org, media@opensocietyfoundations.org, albert.bourla@pfizer.com, pfizercentreone@pfizer.com
I invite Albert Bourla as well as Bill Gates and George Soros to read my submission to US state attorney generals reported to be considering criminal charges over your role in the engineered covid pandemic.
I give the link of a since suspended blog for a copy of my submission to US Ags on D 15 218 with the Florida newspaper as key evidence
https://thefourthempire.blogspot.com/2022/05/27-th-may-2022-dear-attorneygenerals-of.html
I also ask them both to stop threatening me by their refusal to correct and their retaliation.
That same day, 27th May 2022. media record Bill Gates arriving in Greece at the invitation of Albert Bourla and there followed the seizure of tools identified with them in D 15 218 in June 2022 when I was imprisoned close to Thessaloniki, the hometown of Bourla, and escaped by making a run for it with no attempt made by police to return me raising questions of the lawfulness of my detention.
Please also see attached an email string "End your crimes against a reporter today as the law requires" sent to Mitsotakis at his email address as Prime Minister as well as Albert Bourla on July 10th 2026. for an example, where I give specific details and links.
Please note these are just a few emails of the many sent since 2016 to Mitsotakis and Bourla over the period in question in relation to the reporters request for the correction of violations, the escalating retaliation and her current destitute state despite being a politiki enagon with the rights to protection from such retaliation.
My records show I addressed Bourla or cc d in to in about 100 emails with many more to Mitsotakis.
To recap.
These emails to Mitsotakis and Bourla establish that they were informed at their official emails of this matter, the very email channels they themselves publish as being the channels to inform them, communicate with them. To not receive emails and warnings is different from wilfully ignoring them.
Albert Bourla is a Greek-born American business executive who became Pfizer's CEO in January 2019 and chairman in January 2020. Pfizer identifies him as having been born in Thessaloniki, Greece.
The submission therefore asks investigators to determine—not presume—whether any personal, political, professional, financial, or communications relationship existed between Bourla and Mitsotakis and whether either person's conduct was connected to the alleged suppression of information concerning covid vaccines or to decisions affecting Florida residents.
The central allegation is that an English speaking journalist, myself, who happened to be in Greece communicated warnings concerning covid vaccines and other matters of public concern; that portions of those warnings had been published by a Florida newspaper and therefore reached a Florida audience; that the journalist subsequently alleges intimidation or interference designed to prevent further communication with persons in the United States; and that relevant investigative material concerning those events exist in Greek prosecutor
The submission further asks investigators to determine whether the following persons or entities had any connection to those events:
Kyriakos Mitsotakis;
Albert Bourla;
Pfizer or relevant Pfizer personnel;
persons within the Greek Government;
persons involved in Greek COVID-19 procurement or vaccination policy; and
any persons identified in the reporter's evidence.
knowingly attempted to prevent the reporter from communicating with Florida persons or institutions and whether such conduct constituted a Florida or federal offense.
knowingly continue in the above attempt
Greek prosecutorial records D 15 218 d E17 449
Investigators should determine whether Greek prosecutorial files contain:
the reporter's complaints;
evidence concerning alleged attacks or threats;
the Florida newspaper article;
evidence concerning alleged suppression of the investigation; and
evidence concerning Mitsotakis, Bourla, or their associates;
evidence concerning vaccine procurement;
For each identified Florida resident who allegedly suffered serious injury or death following vaccination, investigators should obtain independent medical and forensic evidence addressing:
vaccination → adverse event → medical causation → death or injury.
Temporal proximity alone is a part of s proof of causation.
Pfizer-related evidence
Because Albert Bourla was Pfizer's CEO during the COVID-19 vaccine period and Pfizer's chairman beginning in January 2020, investigators should determine whether any communications involving him or Pfizer concerned the reporter, Greek officials, Greek vaccine procurement, alleged safety warnings, or suppression of information. Pfizer's own corporate records establish Bourla's positions during this period.
Florida's territorial-jurisdiction statute addresses offenses committed wholly or partly within Florida and certain conspiracies involving acts in furtherance occurring in the state. §910.005, Fla. Stat.
Because Mitsotakis is a foreign head of government, investigators should separately determine the applicability of foreign-official immunity and any federal foreign-relations implications before attempting criminal process against him.
Requested determination
I respectfully request that Florida authorities determine whether the evidence supports:
a Florida criminal investigation;
referral to the appropriate state or federal authority;
preservation and acquisition of relevant evidence located outside the United States;
identification of Florida victims and witnesses;
investigation of any Florida-based acts in furtherance of the alleged conduct; and
further proceedings if probable cause and jurisdiction can legally be established.
This request should not be construed as asserting that Mitsotakis, Bourla, Pfizer, or any other identified person has committed a crime. The requested purpose is to determine whether the available evidence establishes such conduct and, if so, which authority possesses jurisdiction.
The Greek prosecutor probes D 15 218 and E 17 449, E 17 378 and E 17 379 and related shows what a public official, Kyriakos Mitsotakis does when a reporter threatens to expose what he believes could destroy his political power and financial interests.
And what Albert Bourla, a Greek American CEO of Pfizer, does when he is informed.
The evidence establishes that my warning was not confined to Greece. My allegations were published by a Florida newspaper, the Tampa Bay Times, Punditfact, and entered the information stream of Florida residents in August 2014. The warning therefore had a concrete Florida connection.
Particular billionaires and their Foundations knew of the publication, knew that the reporter was communicating information concerning matters of public health and governmental conduct to an American audience, commented on a paragraph from her blog cited verbatim in the TBT in 2014 and nevertheless participated in a scheme to suppress the underlying evidence and silence the source.
The fact that substantial portions of the alleged conduct occurred in Greece does not eliminate Florida jurisdiction. Florida law provides jurisdiction where an offense is committed wholly or partly in Florida, and specifically provides that an offense occurs partly in Florida when conduct constituting an element, or a result constituting an element, occurs here. It also provides jurisdiction over an out-of-state conspiracy when an act in furtherance occurs in Florida.
The Greek prosecutor probes document the following events
Reporter makes warning → Florida newspaper republishes it → identified billionaires Bill Gates and George Soros and their Foundation learn of publication → reporter is targeted → Greek prosecutors receive evidence → prosecutor files contain corroborating material → defendants learn of the investigation? → investigative material is suppressed → defendants continue publicly denying the allegations → financial/governmental interests potentially benefiting from suppression remain protected
The Greek prosecutor's suppressed file contained the Florida article and the reporter's underlying evidence, and so that file itself is a critical evidentiary bridge.
In 2016, Mitsotakis was given credible evidence that a reporter exposing a scheme to release viruses deliberately, to frighten people and give them toxic experimental jabs was being subjected to crimes in Greece and there wre massive violations of due process which included suppressing the evidence related to the Florida newspaper in a July 2015 police report.
Please see email attached.
I have also emailed Albert Bourla, the Greek American CEO of Pfizer, the evidence of crimes againt a reporter and a cover up raising questions about what he knew about the risks of Pfizer s covid vaccines before the covid vaccine campaign.
Rather than investigate those warnings, the cover up of the July 2015 police file with the Florida newspaper article , Mitstoakis participated in continuing the cover up and escalated efforts to silence her, conceal what had happened, and ultimately repeat the underlying misconduct.
Covid then supplied the perfect environment for the alleged enterprise to expand.
Mitsotakis was not a passive observer. As Prime Minister Mitsotakis was deeply involved in Greece's pandemic policy. He promoted mask use, advocated mass vaccination, discussed vaccine procurement publicly, and supported mandatory vaccination measures. His government participated in the European vaccine-procurement system.
He also publicly attacked what he regarded as dangerous misinformation. In November 2020 he used the term ψεκασμένοι in discussing people he regarded as conspiracy-minded.
However, the significance of those statements would not be that criticism of vaccines was itself criminal. It would be evidence of the political environment in which the suppression against the reporter occurred.
The government simultaneously had enormous economic responsibilities: masks, protective equipment, testing, pharmaceuticals and vaccines. Greece's Court of Audit later reported that it had reviewed 246 COVID-related public contracts worth approximately €441.7 million, including PPE and medical products.
The State therefore possessed both enormous purchasing power and enormous control over the public narrative.
In Mitsotakis these powers became intertwined.
I allege that Mitsotakis has misused his power as Prime Minister for the continuation of a disease enterprise which includes the accused Bill Gates and George Soros, Jared Kushner and Donald Trump and which is documented in D 15 218 and E 17 449 years before covid.
If the reporter's warnings were discredited, the crimes against me could be repeated, the participants could preserve their positions. If evidence was concealed, they could avoid accountability. If government relationships produced economic opportunities, those relationships could continue. And if anyone inside the enterprise possessed material nonpublic information about pharmaceutical purchases or other covid-related economic events, the financial consequences could extend into securities markets with insider style trading in pharmaceutical shares.
And that is exactly what happened.
The crimes and cover ups in D 15 218 etc and my emails to Mitsotakis shed light on who knew what? When did they know it? Who corrupted justice in 2016? What governmental decision followed? Who benefited? What happened to the reporter immediately afterward I commnunicated evidence to US AGs in May 2022? (Imprisoned in Exozee when the crime in D 15 218 could be repeated by the same people for the same motive precisely because of the cover up? What records disappeared from the decisions trials E 17 378 and E 379 concerning the cover up of D 15 218, specifically 484 2021 and 485 2021 to hide inconsistent decisions? Did stock market trades occurred? And did the people making those trades possess material nonpublic information?
A government official's knowledge of vaccine policy to be adopted in advance does not, standing alone, constitute insider trading unless trades can be documented.
A government official's knowledge of a mask police to be adopted in advance does not, standing alone, constitute corruption unless a company linked directly to Mitsotkis and his family can be documented to have benefitted immediately on the declaration of covid as is the case with the Larisa Face Company discussed below.
Likewise, the fact that Mr. Mitsotakis promoted vaccination does not establish that vaccines were toxic, would cause heart attacks, cancers, excess deathsm and that contracts were corrupt, or that deaths resulted from those contracts.
However, Mitsotakis knew the reporter was making these allegations and that crimes were being committed against me for that reason. It is all documented in detail in the authentic police files from 2015, 2016.
Mitsotakis knew the files vanished, the probes were being corrupted and he has done nothing to correct the corruption since 2016.
The question is not whether Mitsotakis used political power, personal relationships and governmental machinery as components of a continuing enterprise to silence a reporter, conceal crimes, obtain or preserve financial benefits, and prevent the truth from emerging.
The Greek prosecutor probes establish those elements beyond a reasonable doubt.
As PM, Mitsotakis has a constitutional duty to ensure corrupt justice officials face correction and due process is followed.
The covid pandemic was not the beginning of the enterprise of Mitsotakis. The beginning was years before when the reporter was silenced. Covid was the opportunity through which the enterprise expanded, generating 100s of millions of government contracts related to covid in Greece alone which Mitsotakis assigned, also to the LFC>
The reporter repeatedly sent communications with Greek prosecutor probe records identifying specific crimes, identifying participants, identifying documents, and giving Mitsotakis opportunity to correct the record. Mitsotakis did not merely disagree with her conclusions. He declined to confront the underlying documents at all.
An innocent official confronted with a demonstrably false accusation has many lawful options: deny it, produce contrary documents, request an investigation, refer the matter to an independent authority, or explain why the evidence is wrong.
But imagine instead that the official's strategy is: don't answer the evidence; don't investigate the warning; don't correct the record; allow the existing institutional narrative to continue.
That is the tactic the prosecution would compare, cautiously, to the lesson of the Horizon scandal.
The Horizon evidence demonstrates why simply repeating an institutional position can become profoundly consequential when the institution possesses information capable of testing that position. The Inquiry has examined allegations and evidence concerning Horizon's integrity, Fujitsu's assistance to the Post Office, disclosure, prosecution support, whistleblowing and the handling of challenges to the system.
The lesson is not that silence equals guilt. The lesson is that a refusal to engage with specific contradictory evidence can become evidence of consciousness of the problem when combined with affirmative acts to suppress, conceal, mislead or obstruct.
What exactly did the reporter send?
And when?
From 2016, I sent Mitsotakis the evidence of the cover up of D 15 218 and of crimes against a reporter specifically because of my warnings viruses like covid were a scheme and the matching vaccines toxic.
Did Mitsotakis actually receive it? I rang his office and spoke to his staff and they confirmed receipt of the emails?
Wilful blindness is not the same as ignorance. The police records are authentic. He could verify them.
Who instructed officials not to respond?
Did the defendant subsequently repeat a statement that the documents contradicted?
Were records withheld, destroyed or altered?
Did anyone retaliate against the reporter?
And did Mitsotakis benefit from maintaining the false narrative?
Those questions transform silence from a rhetorical accusation into an evidentiary inquiry.
The alleged tactic is not simply ‘ignore the reporter.’ It is "ignore the evidence while preserving the official version of events.’
And since the evidence subsequently showed that the same people who maintained that narrative were also involved in the underlying conduct, benefited financially from it, or took steps to prevent the reporter's evidence from being investigated, then it can be argued that the silence was one component of a broader concealment scheme.
Silence alone is not the crime. The crime is the underlying conduct and whatever affirmative acts of obstruction, concealment, retaliation, fraud or corruption the evidence proves.
The chain demonstrated is:
reporter's warning → documentary evidence → alleged refusal to address it → alleged preservation of official narrative → alleged continuation/concealment
And there is an important legal limitation: a public official generally has no obligation to personally answer every accusation sent by a private citizen. The key thing is he and his office received credible evidence, understood its significance, deliberately participated in suppressing or concealing it, and took affirmative steps to perpetuate the alleged wrongdoing or its cover-up.
Article 25 of the Greek Constitution says that fundamental rights and the principle of the social state governed by law are under the State's guarantee, and that all state organs are obliged to ensure their unhindered and effective exercise.
That is particularly relevant when the allegation concerns crimes against a journalist. Freedom of expression and the press are not merely private interests; they are constitutionally and conventionally protected.
The European Court of Human Rights says that effective freedom of expression can require positive measures of protection, including in relations between private individuals. More specifically, when crimes are committed against journalists, authorities should examine whether there is a connection between the crime and the journalist's professional activity.
So, if a Prime Minister receives credible evidence that a journalist is being threatened, attacked or criminally targeted because of her journalism and his justice officials are joining in the cover up to allow a repeat, the constitutional framework strongly favors ensuring that competent authorities can investigate effectively and independently.
The Prime Minister received credible evidence of a potentially serious crime and then used his governmental position to prevent the competent authorities from investigating it.
The ECHR describes journalists as public watchdogs and recognizes information-gathering as an essential and protected part of journalism.
The Court's journalist-protection guidance specifically says that, when crimes are committed against journalists, authorities must examine the possibility that the crime is connected to their professional activity.
The police files D 15 218 contain the statements of the perpetrators in writing that I was targeted because she was investigating pandemics and corruption.
It is not the case that Mitsotakis has a duty to answer an email. He does not.
But after receiving credible evidence, we can infer he interfered with the machinery that is supposed to respond to it. We can infer this from the fact the violations have not been corrected since 2016.
A Prime Minister who:
orders police not to investigate;
pressures prosecutors to close a case;
directs officials to destroy or conceal evidence;
retaliates against the journalist;
knowingly provides false information to investigators;
prevents witnesses from being interviewed;
uses government resources to intimidate the journalist;
rewards officials for suppressing the investigation; or
personally participates in a subsequent cover-up and crimes
engages in conduct with criminal or constitutional liability.
Upon receipt of credible and sufficiently particularized information alleging criminal conduct against a journalist and possible interference with the administration of justice, Mitsotakis was not expected to personally prosecute the allegations.
His constitutional responsibility would instead include respecting and protecting the rule of law, the effective exercise of fundamental rights, and the institutional independence of the competent investigative and judicial authorities.
Where the allegations concern crimes directed against a journalist because of my professional activity, the State's obligations are heightened by Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which can require positive protective and investigative measures. The Prime Minister therefore could not lawfully transform executive authority into an instrument for suppressing, obstructing or retaliating against a legitimate investigation.
A failure to respond personally to correspondence would not, standing alone, establish criminal liability. Evidence that the Prime Minister knowingly received credible evidence and thereafter affirmatively interfered with, obstructed, concealed or caused the suppression of an investigation would present an entirely different question.
Upon receipt of credible and sufficiently particularized information alleging criminal conduct against a journalist and possible interference with the administration of justice, the Prime Minister would not ordinarily possess a personal prosecutorial duty to adjudicate the allegations. His constitutional responsibility would instead include respecting and protecting the rule of law, the effective exercise of fundamental rights, and the institutional independence of the competent investigative and judicial authorities.
Let us put COVID events into the chronology:
Knowledge
→ Mitsotakis allegedly receives credible evidence of crimes against the reporter for exposing pandemics as schemes in 2016 and of the cover up of the investigation to continue the crimes and the scheme culminating in covid
Authority
→ He possesses governmental authority capable of affecting executive agencies and the political environment surrounding the investigation. Even as leader of the opposition in 2016, he had the power to highlight the corruption (press conferences, issue statements)
Affirmative interference
→ The refusal to correct shows he or people acting at his direction took concrete steps to suppress, derail, conceal or retaliate against the investigation and are continuing right now
Motive
→ Exposure allegedly threatened political power and relationships with people receiving government benefits from covid, with one potential example being the Larisa Face Company.
Benefit
→ Specific contracts/grants are identified and traced to particular beneficiaries.
Intent
→ Communications, timing, instructions, concealment and subsequent conduct allegedly demonstrate that the purpose was to prevent exposure rather than merely to make ordinary policy decisions.
Cover-up
→ Subsequent acts allegedly preserve the original concealment.
The contracts are not themselves the crime; they are potential evidence of motive, relationship, benefit, or the purpose of the crimes against the reporter and interference.
The timing of the LFC mask contracts dentifies the precise period in which investigators should look for communications, instructions, procurement decisions and financial relationships connecting the Prime Minister's office to subsequent LFC benefits.
On 26 March 2020, Larisa Face Cover says it was established as a new company for production of surgical masks.
Less than one month later, on 25 April 2020, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis personally participated in a government videoconference concerning Lariplast's mask-production operation in Larissa. The Prime Minister's Office records that Mitsotakis praised the initiative and specifically thanked the Ministries of Development and Health for coordinating government support to advance the investment. Lariplast CEO Giannis Tserepas participated, as did Achilleas Davelis, CEO of the Animus group.
Mitsotakis did not merely observe the project. According to his own office's account, he said the government had to coordinate ministries to provide the necessary support for the investment. Tserepas, for his part, publicly described the cooperation with the state, the Region, the Development Ministry, the Health Ministry and the Prime Minister as exceptionally effective.
That establishes proximity and governmental involvement.
The next question is what happened afterward.
Did the newly established LFC obtain government contracts? Yes. Did it subsequently obtain substantial investment support? Yes. Did entities associated with the people involved in the mask initiative receive public money? That is documented and should be reconstructed transaction by transaction.
LFC became a multimillion-euro-revenue company during the COVID period and received substantial public contracts and investment subsidies, but the available financial statements do not show multimillion-euro profit
The investigative question is therefore not whether the Prime Minister's April 2020 meeting itself was unlawful. The question is whether someone used the relationships and governmental machinery visible in April 2020 to influence later decisions from which particular businesses benefited.
LFC was founded on March 26, 2020—just eight days before the CDC's public masking recommendation which Fauci amplified ensuring that masks would be adopted and there would be a huge market and profit for companies like LFC.
The vaccine allegations are far more serious.
Mitsotakis received in 2016 specific warnings a reporter warning of the safety of the special class of pandemic vaccines to which bird flu, covid, ebola belong was being targetted to silence me and there was a cover up of the crimes.
He and then participated in suppressing those warnings and allowed the cover up to continue rather than allowing competent authorities to investigate them and the cover up of the crimes against a reporter.
To recap
The reporter warned that vaccination with pandemic vaccines like covid, swine flu could produce serious adverse outcomes, including cytokine storms leading to events like heart attacks, and warned that widespread vaccination could contribute to excess mortality.
These warnings have been substantiated.
Subsequent evidence did, in fact, establish that myocarditis and pericarditis were adverse effects associated with the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines and cytokine storms are involved.
The vaccines were given to reduce excess mortality. But Greece subsequently experienced substantial excess mortality—approximately 8,500 deaths above baseline in 2020, 19,000 in 2021 and 16,000 in 2022—and excess mortality is an all-cause measure taken together with other data, studies now establishes that vaccination caused those deaths.
Claims the covid vaccine campaign saved millions of lives rely on a flawed statistical, mathematical model.
Therefore, the alleged offense is not that the reporter possessed a crystal ball and correctly predicted every subsequent medical finding.
The alleged offense is that Mitsotakis was presented with warnings that could be investigated, including a warning about a serious adverse event linked to covid vaccines that regulators ultimately recognized, and allegedly chose suppression rather than investigation.
The question is. What did Mitsotakis know? When did he receive the warning? Did he understand the warning? Did he transmit it to health authorities? Did he order anyone to investigate it? Did he instead cause the reporter's warnings to be ignored, discredited or concealed?
Mitsotakis subsequently learned that myocarditis was a genuine vaccine-associated risk, investigators would examine whether the earlier warning had been investigated or suppressed, whether the public received accurate information about the emerging risk, and whether anyone deliberately prevented corrective action.
He received warnings of potential contamination with the Simian Virus and other contaminates through the allegations of the reporter.
These warnings have also been largely substantiated through the discovery thatPfizer used a second manufacturing process to make the covid vaccines for the public and contamination has been found in that material.
The key questions would be:
What did Greece actually pay, rather than what the EU contracted for?
Which Greek governmental entities authorized payments?
Who negotiated Greece's allocations?
Were there Greek side agreements with Pfizer, Moderna, etc.?
What quantities were ultimately delivered?
How many doses expired or were destroyed?
What was the total Greek expenditure?
Did any Greek official or politically connected person have a financial interest in the manufacturers?
Did Mitsotakis or anyone in his government possess material nonpublic information concerning vaccine procurement, efficacy, safety, adverse events, or government purchasing decisions?
Did anyone connected with the government trade pharmaceutical securities while possessing such information?
That last question is where an insider-trading allegation becomes testable. The existence of large vaccine contracts or a politician's public advocacy for vaccination is not itself evidence of insider trading.
The evidence chain is
Reporter sends warning
→ Mitsotakis receives it
→ Mitsotakis understands its significance
→ he possesses governmental means to ensure it reaches competent investigators
→ instead, he affirmatively causes or participates in suppression
→ vaccination campaign continues
→ myocarditis signal subsequently confirmed
→ government communications continue
→ evidence of the original warning is concealed or the reporter is retaliated against
Mitsotakis silence is not being offered as proof of guilt. It is being offered as evidence of a deliberate strategy when considered together with the surrounding conduct.
The motive for Misotakis for refusing the correction and the return of the reporter s money is to silence her for
Protection from exposure: preventing the reporter's allegations from becoming public.
Political survival: avoiding reputational and electoral consequences.
Protection of associates: preserving relationships with people allegedly involved in the underlying conduct.
Economic benefit: preserving government contracts, subsidies or business opportunities.
Potential securities benefit: only if investigators could actually establish specific trades based on material nonpublic information.
Continuation of the cover-up: once someone has allegedly participated in a serious offense, the fictional prosecutor could argue that subsequent concealment creates an incentive to repeat or expand the misconduct.
Wht Florida has jurisdiction
Greek conduct
→ alleged suppression of reporter
→ reporter's warnings transmitted electronically into the United States also in May 2022 and now
→ Florida residents actually received or were targeted by the communications
→ an element/result of a Florida offense occurred in Florida
→ Florida statute supplies jurisdiction.
There is also Florida precedent recognizing that §910.005 can reach conduct performed in another country when part of the offense occurs in Florida. The Florida Fifth District Court of Appeal expressly held that “outside the state” can include another country in the relevant circumstances. .
Florida appellate authority has also recognized that the statute can reach conduct occurring in another country where part of the offense occurs in Florida.
To recap
Greece
Mitsotakis/others allegedly receive reporter's warnings
↓
Greece
alleged suppression/retaliation/investigative interference
↓
Florida
newspaper publishes warning
↓
Florida readers receive information
↓
Greece
alleged suppression/retaliation/investigative interference of reporter continues
↓
Florida readers do not receive information
Florida's Medical Consent Law, §766.103, says that informed consent involves providing a reasonable person with a general understanding of the proposed treatment, medically acceptable alternatives, and the substantial risks and hazards recognized by comparable practitioners.
The Florida Supreme Court has described informed consent as grounded in patient autonomy and the patient's right to make an informed choice.
The issue is not simply whether Floridians were vaccinated. The issue is whether they were denied material information necessary to make an autonomous medical decision as part of a criminal scheme and whether Mitsotakis was at the core of it.
The causal chain
Reporter possesses warning
→ warning reaches Florida newspaper/audience
→ Greek officials allegedly suppress the underlying evidence
→ information concerns a material, medically recognized risk
→ defendants deliberately prevent that information from reaching the relevant decision-makers
→ Florida provider/patient proceeds without the material information
→ patient suffers injury
→ evidence establishes the required medical causation
→ evidence establishes the defendant's legally cognizable participation and intent.
Mitsotakis misconduct was not merely the promotion of a vaccine. It was his suppression of material safety information from people whose bodily autonomy depended upon receiving accurate information before making a medical decision and the fact they were in Florida was known to him from the reporter s audience and the Florida newspaper in D 15 218.
I specifcically warned about cytokine storms, recognized by Fauci as an adverse effect associated with the mRNA COVID vaccines in January 2021
Since, I warned about cytokine storms in 2009 before regulators formally recognized the signal, investigators could ask whether the warning was investigated and whether emerging evidence was properly communicated.
But during covid Mitsotakis joined in an attempt to thwart and impede my investigation and communicaiton with US authorities also with a "rigged trial" in September 2021 (E 17 378, and E 17 379) and my seizure in June 2022 and imprisonment in Exozee after my communications with US State AGs concerning evidence tampering in relation to the Florida newspaper article.
This, shortly after Bill Gates came to Greece.
I have also emailed Albert Bourla of Pfizer, the evidence that my warnings were being suppressed in Greece along with Mitsotakis and received no reply.
See
XX Molnupiravir
Florida's informed-consent standard concerns the risks recognized by the relevant medical profession and the information necessary for a reasonable patient to understand the treatment and its substantial risks.
Florida Department of Health's COVID vaccination consent forms explicitly contemplated informed consent. The January 2021 form required the person consenting to certify that they understood the vaccine's authorization status and contained screening questions concerning allergies, pregnancy, immunocompromise, bleeding disorders and prior vaccination.
That gives an investigator a concrete document trail:
What Florida's consent form said
vs.
What was known about the vaccine at that date
vs.
what the provider actually disclosed
vs.
what the reporter allegedly warned about.
To sum up
Kyriakos Mitsotakis, acting while Prime Minister of Greece, knowingly participated with Bill Gates, George Soros, Albert Bourla, Jared Kushner and Donald Trump, other persons in a continuing scheme to suppress information concerning covid virus origins and vaccine risks.
The information was not merely communicated privately in Greece. The reporter's warnings were published by a Florida newspaper and thereby entered Florida's information stream. Mitsotakis knew that the warnings concerned material medical risks and that Florida residents were among the intended audience.
Rather than permitting the allegations of crimes against reporter in 2015 and the significance of the Florida article to be investigated, Mitsotakis participated in efforts to suppress the reporter's warnings and investigative evidence, including evidence of the Florida newspaper contained in Greek prosecutorial files.
Some Florida residents subsequently suffered adverse medical events following covid vaccination. There is a temporal association. Qualified medical evidence establishes causation in particular cases and the Greek prosecutor probes show Mitsotakis possessed relevant information concerning the alleged risks given by the reporter before the relevant conduct and covid vaccine campaign in Greece and Florida occurred.
Florida's jurisdictional statute provides that a person may be prosecuted for conduct occurring inside or outside Florida when the offense is committed wholly or partly in Florida, and specifically provides that an offense is partly within Florida when conduct constituting an element or a result constituting an element occurs here. It also addresses conspiracies involving an act in furtherance occurring in Florida. §910.005, Fla. Stat. (2026).
Accordingly, the State alleges that the foreign location of certain defendants' conduct does not by itself defeat Florida jurisdiction.
In addition, Mitsotakis agreed to prevent competent authorities from investigating the reporter's warnings and that acts in furtherance of that agreement occurred within the territorial jurisdiction of Florida and/or produced legally cognizable consequences there.
The causal chain
Known information related to Florida, TBT→ deliberate suppression → particular patient makes particular medical decision → particular undisclosed risk materializes → competent medical evidence establishes causation → Mitsotakis conduct satisfies every element of a specified offense.
Mitsotakis knowingly suppressed specific information related to Florida, had a legally relevant duty or criminal objective, acted with the required intent, and caused a legally cognizable result in Florida.
For a death, the prosecution would have to establish the applicable homicide offense and causation. Florida's jurisdiction statute specifically recognizes the location of the death or causal physical contact when determining territorial jurisdiction for homicide.
Mitsotakis is knowingly continuing a campaign of harassment and intimidation against the reporter in Greece, knowing that she intends to communicate evidence to persons and institutions in Florida.
The purpose of the refusal to correct the violations to leave the reporter destitute in florida is not merely to punish speech already made. It is to prevent further transmission of evidence into Florida and thereby frustrate an investigation concerning information already published to a Florida audience.
Mitsotakis is involved in ongoing course of conduct extending across national borders: suppression of the source in Greece, prevention of communication with Florida, and concealment of evidence relevant to persons in Florida.
Florida residents actually died as a result of the covid vaccine, lured to their own destruction by false claims enabled by the crimes against the reporter.
The consequences occurred within Florida. Mitsotakis conduct was designed to prevent Florida residents from receiving material safety information, that the information was intentionally suppressed, and that identified Florida residents subsequently suffered fatal vaccine-associated injuries, including due to cytokine storms and myocarditis.
Mitsotakis conduct was designed to prevent Florida residents from receiving material safety information that the covid vaccines were especially risk for young people with strong autoimmune systems.
In 2022, Florida's Surgeon General reported an analysis finding an 84% increased relative incidence of cardiac-related death among males 18–39 within 28 days of mRNA vaccination.
To conclude.
1 Knowledge: Mitsotakis possessed credible information about the particular risk of cytokine storms, risks to young people and vaccine contamination before the vaccinations.
2. Suppression: he y participated in an affirmative effort to prevent that information from reaching Florida or the relevant decision-makers.
3. Jurisdiction: a statutory element or legally cognizable result occurred in Florida in the form of many cardiac, cytokine events in young men in Florida
4. Causation: competent medical evidence establishes that the vaccine caused the particular deaths.
5. Mens rea: Mitsotakis acted with the mental state required by the specific Florida offense.
6. Legal duty/offense: his conduct of witness tamperng, obstruction of justice falls within a Florida criminal statute;
7. Immunity: the court must separately determine whether his status as a foreign head of government prevents the prosecution.
I therefore alleges a direct territorial connection between the foreign conduct and the Florida results.
Mitsotakis status as a sitting foreign head of government raises questions of personal and status-based immunity.
I therefore seeks a determination of those issues before attempting service, arrest, or prosecution for
Identified Florida residents died from vaccine-associated injuries; Mitsotakis and Bourla possessed material information concerning those risks and the suppression of a reporter, deliberately suppressed the reporter and the transmission of warnings to Florida, and thereby caused the victims to make medical decisions without information that would have materially affected their choices.
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