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RUBIO MAY KNOW HE WILL BE ENSANRED IN AN INVESTIGATION AS A WILLING TOOL OF THE EPSTEIN BILLIONAIRES DELIBERATELY CORRUPTING JUSTICE FOR THEM FOR MORE THAN TWO YEARS
HIS ACTIONS, OMISSIONS TODAY MAKE HIM VERY SUSPICIOUS
Dear Ron DeSantis, Governor of Florida,
Dear James Uthmeier, Florida AG
Dear Senator Rand Paul,
Dear Senator Robert Garcia,
Dear Dan Caine, Chief of the Staff
Dear Inspector Gernals of the Florida National Guard and the US National Guard.
I would like to draw your attention to the extraordinary letter of intent signed in Athens today under the auspices of Marco Rubio and Kimberl Guilfoyle which places Florida National Guard in cooperation with the very Greek authorities protecting Greek American CEO Albert Bourla and Pfizer from due process investigation by Florida s AGs into their covid vaccine crimes
This agreement potentially transforms a private criminal controversy into a threat involving public authority and even a coup against the Floridas elected representatives in order to prevent the conviction of Bourla, Pfizer, and the network in which they are embedded which extends to Jared Kushner, Donald Trump, Bill Gates, and George Soros as per E 17 449 and D 15 218.
https://www.ekathimerini.com/politics/foreign-policy/1317460/greece-florida-national-guard-sign-cooperation-agreement-during-us-greece-dialogue/
Donald Trump and his circle have spoken favourably of military intervention, coups, martial law and may even be contemplating to seize control using the army and, or ICE after the midterms which he is expected to lose. That is what makes the plan to put the Florida National Guard apparantly under some kind of control or in some kind of structure with the corrupt Greek authorities in turn controlled by Trump, Kushner, Gates and Soros alarming in conjunction with the Florida investigation into their covid crimes.
The threat to myself, a civil party and a witness in a probe in Greece which Trump and Kushner are accused in E 17 449 and Bill Gates and Soros D 15 218 for seeking to hide covid jab related knowledge and intent, provides important context.
It shows there is no plan to escape justice except coercion, violence, threats.
It is a simple thing to sign the papers for me to get my rights as a civil party restored in one hour so brazen is the corruption, so dire my situation. But it is being refused because the coercion against me is a part, I allege, of a plan for violence to thwart justice which may include now instrumentalizing the Florida national guard to overthrow and thwart the investigation into the covid jab crimes in the USA by integrating it operationally with the corrupt Greek authorities who have permitted the covid jab crimes and cover up.
When a witness is being intimidated because my evidence could sustain a Florida investigation, and convict Bourla, Pfizer, as well as eventally Kushner, Trump, Gates and Soros of knowingly giving Americans, and Greeks, covid jabs and if at the same time officials were arranging corruption of justice in Greece and Greek government power to threaten a witness, then those same officials, including Rubio and Kimberly Guilfoyle can access to the coercive power of the military as potentially complementary parts of the same effort: one directed at the source of the evidence and the other at those responsible for acting upon it.
As you can see from my email chain below, Rubio assertion that he did not know of the investigation, or that the affairs of his office left him too occupied to attend to the warning, must be tested against the objective record.
The Florida Attorney General had opened an investigation into Bourla's toxic covid vaccines activities following a submission by the reporter.
Rubio represents Florida in the United States Senate; the victims of the conduct included persons within the constituency he represented.
An honest senator from Florida and Secretary of State would rush to protect my rights and defend ultimately the right of Florida covid jab victims to get justice and compensation.
But as of 7 30 pm Greek time, neither he nor the embassy not the Greek government nor Pfizer have made any effort to restore my rights as a civil party to the criminal probe being threatened on every front here in Larisa, Greece, also by economic pressure.
Rubio was given Tuesday, yesterday, the probe documents as attachments, links and summaries expressly describing the investigation, the aconduct, and the danger confronting the witness. I ask you to consider cumulative evidence of official notice, the subject matter of the investigation, the transmission of the documents, the specific warning concerning the witness, and his subsequent conduct.
A claim of being busy is not proof of ignorance where the evidence establishes that information was deliberately placed before the official and that he was specifically asked to take action within a stated period.
He can delegate the task of investigating to staff. He can delegate the task of protecting my civil rights to staff.
Rubio s position as aa Florida senator establishes the context in which the evidence must be examined.
If his constituents included persons harmed by Bourla's conduct, if a Flrida state investigation had formally commenced, if the whistleblower's information had played a factor in intiating investigation, and if rubio nevertheless received direct documentation and was specifically warned that the witness remained in danger, we can ask why no protective or investigative action followed from Rubio. It is not that public office equals knowledge, but repeated, particularized notice followed by deliberate inaction may rebut an otherwise implausible claim of complete ignorance.
Finally, the defense of official busyness cannot answer the central question: what did Rubio do after the warning reached him?
If he had the documents, understood their significance, was informed of an immediate threat, possessed governmental influence capable of bringing the matter before competent authorities, and nevertheless chose to do nothing while continuing to act in circumstances favorable to Bourla, those subsequent acts and omissions may provide evidence from which his actual knowledge and intent can be determined.
The law should not accept either innocence or guilt by assumption; it should follow the evidence from the warning to the recipient, from the recipient to his conduct, and from that conduct to whatever inference of knowledge the proven facts legitimately support.
Rubio s innocence becomes progressively harder to sustain when we cn establish a sequence of formal investigation → whistleblower submission → official documents → direct warning → specific request for intervention → subsequent conduct.
Then consider the sequence today —threat to the witness, obstruction of his complaint, intervention on Bourla's behalf to thwart the Florida investigation, and proposed access to Florida s military force, the national guard, governmental force—and ask whether the evidence demonstrates a common purpose rather than a series of unrelated events.
For Greece and the Florida National Guard signed a letter of intent Wednesday afternoon to establish cooperation between the Greek armed forces and the US National Guard, as the two countries held their sixth Strategic Dialogue in Athens, according to media
The document was signed by Greece’s Chief of Defense General Dimitrios Houpis and Florida National Guard commander Major General John Haas in the presence of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Greek Defense Minister Nikos Dendias at the Conrad Athens, The Ilisian hotel.
The media reporting suggests the plan is for the Florida national guard to spearhead the cooperation between the Greek authorities under investigation and all US guard units.
Rubio made this arrangment knowing Bourla, Pfizer and those same authorties are under investigation, and this arrangement must be examined alongside Rubio s role in the ongoing intimidation of the whistleblower., of myself, denied the protection of the law in Greece by corrupted officials.
My email from yesterday establishes that it was after Rubio was fully informed of the threat to me from Bourla, Pfizer and the Greek authorities to obstruct justice in Florida for covid jab crimes that Rubio signed an arrangement placing the Florida National Guard in cooperation with the very Greek authorities obstructing justice for Floridians.
Neither my civil-party status nor Rubios public office automatically establishes guilt. What matters is that Bourla is knowingly seeking to silence a protected participant in the proceedings and Rubio has been informed, given the probe documents, and, knowing of that effort and possessing the means to respond, deliberately is permitting the danger to me as a witness to continue in Greece order to protect Bourla or obstruct the investigation.
In addition, there is another significant piece of evidence of Pfizer s Greece, and the CEO Vasilis Tziernis, consciousness of guilt. today.
I made phones calls to two Pfizer corporate phone numbers in Thessaloniki today attempting to invoje the corporate mechanisms for dealing with whistleblower attempts but my calls were immediately terminated, refused or redicted into a series of choices with no voicemail
The fact that no one picked up the phone after my initial contact when I gave the subject of my complaint no matter what option I pressed and despite persistent attempts to register my complaint shows a coordinated attempt to stifle a whistleblower in the frankly naive belief that this refusal to deal with a complaint is the same as genuine ignorance.
The only person who picked up the phone at Pfizer at an extension put it down immediately I said I would report the handling of my complaint.
Phone records will show I dialled Pfizers corporate phone number 210 6785800 and 2108199010 in Greece making repeated efforts for approximately one and half hour from about 1 30 pm until 3 pm this afternoon using my number 30 6945301951
I was not able even to leave a voicemail to leave a message because I allege Pfizer s management is so naive as to believe that the fact I cannot get the message through is not yet more proof of their coordinated blocking of my message to falsely claim ignorance.
This coordinated blocking of my number across two main Pfizer numbers for circa 1and a half hours suggests an order has been given to block, ignore my calls and my number and that even the secretaries are complicit in covering up the crimes of Bourla and Tzinieris against whistleblower which are ongoing right now.
The secretaries actions show conscious of the guilt
No innocent secretary or professional secretary puts down the phone when they hear a serious complaint. Instead, they find the department that handles such complaints and lets that department register the facts and decide.
There are rules Pfizer must obey for handling complaints, and corporate obligations also to not threaten witnesses.
Among those rules is having enough staff on hand to handle complaints so Pfizer cannot say there were no staff available. They had a duty to supply them.
The blocking of my whistleblower's complaint to Pfizer in Greece today materially strengthens the case for protective detention because it establishes a credible and continuing threat from Bourla, Mitsotakis, Rubio and Guilfoyle.
I followed up with an email also to Bourla, Pfizer and the US embassy.
Please see attachment
I do not allege that every employee of Pfizer becomes criminally responsible merely because he or she worked within the organization.
The blocking , refusal of my phone call establishes a chain of conscious participation: the secretary knew that I, the whistleblower, was attempting to report serious misconduct;
Those responsible for Pfizer s phone system and complaints system apper to have had instructed or permitted the channel to be de facto closed.
It appear that managers transmitted or enforced those instructions; and the secretary who actually answered, terminated, or refused the calls did so with knowledge that the purpose was to prevent the complaint from reaching the persons authorized to receive it.
The law must therefore follow the instruction from its origin through every knowing participant. If the evidence shows that each defendant understood the purpose of the obstruction and deliberately performed his or her assigned part, the fact that one gave the order, another transmitted it, and another carried it out does not make their participation disappear into the corporate structure. The corporation may supply the machinery, but responsibility belongs to the persons who knowingly directed, maintained, or operated that machinery to silence the complaint.
This intimidation strikes at the judicial process itself, because a witness cannot exercise a right to seek justice if those who threaten them are permitted to silence them and those entrusted with governmental authority knowingly allow that result.
The danger here is not confined to the threatened witness: it extends to every Floridian whose claim for justice, compensation, and lawful redress depends upon that witness being able to testify without intimidation.
It is established that Rubio hreceived the evidence of the threat and knew that Bourla was under investigation for the covid vaccine crimes , nevertheless used his position in Athens to protect Bourla while failing to insist upon lawful protection for the witness.
Rubio s actions must be judged not merely by what he withheld from the witness, but by what he thereby withheld from the victims—the opportunity to have their injuries investigated and their claims adjudicated. Bourla s threats sought to silence the evidence; Rubio and Guilfoyle s protection of Bourla, knowingly undertaken, allows that danger to continue.
The consequence is that the a victims in Florida are denied not only safety for their witness, but the very process by which their injuries could be proved and their claims for justice determined; the law must therefore ask whether the official who possessed the power to interrupt that chain knowingly chose instead to preserve it.
I allege that Rubio may fear that a Florida investigation may bring to light communications,w itnesses, emails which implicate him in knowingly corrupting justice in Greece to protect Bourla and threaten a witness, and that he may now also have a motive to stop the investigation along with Trump, Kushner, Gates and Soros.
That is why he may have decided to take coercion to a new level.
If Rubio, while in Athens, knowingly entered an agreement under which the Florida National Guard would cooperate with the Greek army and authorities over which Mitsotakis, Kushner and Bourla have influence and in circumstances connected with the alleged toxic covid vaccines crimes, US law enforcement to examine whether public US military power is thereby being placed at the disposal of the very persons under investigation.
The question is not be whether the Guard, as an institution, is criminally involved merely because such cooperation was discussed. It is rather whether those who proposed or authorized the arrangement know Bourla and Mitsotakis and Ministers who control the Greek army are seeking to escape investigation and whether the contemplated use of military authority is intended to deter Florida senators, prosecutors, investigators, or other officials from pursuing the case and pave the way for a coup inside Florida.
The danger does not consist merely in an unusual diplomatic arrangement. Given the record, the agreement may be intended or understood to facilitate the suppression of witnesses, obstruct investigators, protect Bourla from lawful process, or intimidate Florida officials and victims, and so represent a transformation of governmental force from an instrument of public protection into an instrument capable of frustrating justice.
The question therefore is whether Rubio and Guilfoyle , knowing of Bourla's conduct and the corruption of Greek justice to protect the private interests of Pfizer, Kushner and Gates, are attempting to turn the Florida National Guard into their private mercenatores and whether the arrangement foreseeably places Floridians, witnesses, investigators, or the integrity of Florida's legal process at risk. When the the power entrusted to protect the public is knowingly placed within reach of those whom the law is investigating for corporate crimes there is a danger of a coup.
The plan for cooperation between the Greek government under the control de facto of Kushner, Trump, Bourla, Gates and Soros and able to corrupt justice to protect them from prosecution and the US national guard looks very much like the plan for a possible coup.
An international cooperation agreement would not automatically be unlawful, nor would Rubio's participation automatically establish criminal responsibility.
But when the probes, investigation and evidence connecting the agreement to a particular unlawful purpose and establishing Rubio's requisite knowledge and intent, then the question is whether public authority was being positioned to make lawful investigation impossible through intimidation.
I ask for the investigation to be extended into Major General John Haas who signed the agreement. I do not say he was informed about the charges Bourla, Mitsotakis and Rubio are facing.
However, it is legitimate to investigate what he did know and when because a rogue commander controlling the national guard and deploying it in a Pfizer corporate coup repreents an extraordinary threat to Floridians and all Americans if this turns out to be the case upon investigation.
If Bourla s and Mitsotakis, Trump and Kushner s objective is to silence the witness, and Rubio and Guilfoyle knowingly supplied or contemplated supplying governmental power capable of intimidating the Florida officials who could continue the investigation, we can characterize the arrangement as an aextension of the same coercive scheme from the witness, myself, to the investigators and ultimately to the political institutions responsible for enforcing the law.
To sum up
The evidence shows that Bourla had the motive, means, or prior conduct suggesting a continuing danger, then AGs have reason to consider whether the witness can safely remain exposed while the investigation proceeds. Pretrial detention would not be punishment for an unproved offense, but a temporary measure to prevent intimidation, preserve the witness's ability to testify, and protect the integrity of the investigation.
Where the accused is alleged to have already sought to silence the witness and the witness's first attempt to obtain protection was itself obstructed, justice must ensure that the witness is not left to face alone the very danger against which the law is intended to protect him.
The threat extends in three directions at once: against the witness who seeks to bring evidence of the wrongdoing before the law, against the Floridians whose covid vaccine injuries and claims depend upon that evidence being heard, and against the investigators whose duty is to determine whether Bourla, Pfizer and his associates are responsible.
If Bourla is caught is threatening and seeking to silence the witness, and if Rubio has been informed, asked to intervene to restore my civil party rights and refused, and has knowingly used his public position to protect Bourla and permit that danger to continue, the conduct cannot be viewed merely as a private dispute between Bourla, Pfizer and one witness. It strikes at the chain by which evidence reaches investigators, investigators reach the truth, and victims obtain justice.
The purpose and effect of such intimidation is make the witness afraid and unable to speak, the victims unable to prove their claims, and the investigators unable to perform their duty without facing the same coercive power. A threat against the witness is therefore to be a threat against the investigation; a threat against the investigation is a threat against the victims; and when public authority, when first a corrupted justice system, and then a corrupted army working with Florida s National Guard, is knowingly used to preserve that threat, the protection of the law itself becomes the object placed in jeopardy.
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